Dissecting the Modi operandi

KOCHI:  Bobby McFerrin’s ‘Don’t Worry, Be Happy’ would be the last thing one expects to pop up while initiating a conversation with the press secretary to the President of India. That, too, when the subject of discussion is Prime Minister Narendra Modi. 

But Ajay Singh, who joined Rashtrapati Bhavan in 2019, probes this correspondent’s caller tune. The tiger doesn’t change its stripes, they say. An ace journalist, his observations are sharp, and diction measured. “Zabardast hain,” he remarks in a husky voice on the 1988 Grammy-winning track.  

It is with similar attention to detail that Singh has approached his new book The Architect of the New BJP How Narendra Modi Transformed the Party. With pithy prose and anecdotes, Singh uses his pen as a scalpel to dissect the many layers of the monolith that Modi has evolved into. 

“I undertook this study after reading a classic book by an American political scientist, Myron Weiner, who wrote in great detail about the organisation building of the Congress after India attained independence,” says Singh. 

“That book motivated me to undertake a similar study of the BJP, and the role of Modi as a central figure. So I have explored his organisational capabilities, his innovative methods conventional and unconventional to understand the phenomenal expansion of the BJP across the country.” 

Singh, however, stays off hyperbole and eulogy in his book. As American political analyst and writer Walter Andersen notes in the foreword: “Unlike so many studies of Modi, this is not a book that relies almost exclusively on news reports and quotes that appear in the press. Nor does it have an agenda aimed primarily at condemning or praising.”  

And, the result is a classic study a must-read for anyone keen on fathoming the ‘Modi effect’ on the BJP as well as the political landscape of ‘New India’ on the whole. Singh terms it “one of India’s most exciting political journeys”.  “In my work, I have focused exclusively on building up the organisational network of the BJP, and the methods employed in it,” says Singh. 

“I have deliberately confined my study to Modi’s organisational abilities and subsequent expansion of the BJP in areas considered inaccessible to the party such as eastern India, the northeast and parts of southern India.”

From extensive interviews, reminiscence and his old reporter’s diary, Singh gleans momentous events in the epoch-making saga of an RSS pracharak evolving into, arguably, one of the most popular political leaders on earth today. “My own experience as a reporter who covered the events that led to the present political situation was also helpful in narrating this story,” he notes. 

Here is a gem from Modi’s RSS-to-BJP “transition” days in 1986. It is on a yatra, much ahead of the Ayodhya Rath Yatra and the Ekta Yatra from Kanyakumari to Kashmir, which established Modi as a master “organiser”.  

Gujarat was politically charged, with communal tensions on the rise. The Ahmedabad civic polls a prestigious battle was slated for 1987. It would be Modi’s “first test” as a party general secretary (organisation). 

In 1986, the Congress-led state government banned the city’s famed Jagannath Yatra citing “security reasons”. It was seen as an “affront to the Hindus and their religious traditions”, and the government was accused of being “bent upon pandering to the Muslims”, recalls Singh. 

The Sangh Parivar threw its weight behind the yatra. And on D-Day, Modi, the man in charge, pulled off a masterstroke.  “In the morning, the Jagannath temple resembled a police camp, and one of the elephants they are housed in the temple complex round the year and lead the annual procession surprised all as it led the charge and broke open the barrier. Within a minute, all police arrangements were thrown out of gear, and before anyone could realise what was happening the Rath Yatra had started,” writes Singh.  

He adds: “People of Ahmedabad still remember it as the ‘Swayambhoo Yarta’, a procession that proceeded on its own. But of course, it did not happen ‘on its own’, and the elephant did not plan to defy the government order. There was a meticulous strategy behind it all. And it was widely attributed to Modi, even if there was never a credible acknowledgement from him.” 

Similarly, while retracing Modi’s travels to several states as a BJP general secretary, Singh highlights a vital mission to Madhya Pradesh ahead of the 1998 assembly election. He notes that Modi’s “emphasis on training for the cadre was so intense and focused that he soon acquired the nickname of ‘headmaster’ among state party veterans”. 

“I referred to that comment by some senior leaders in Madhya Pradesh who had been subjected to a new drill of training and orientation by Modi,” says Singh. “In fact, Modi’s view was that ‘training is a science’ that enhances the efficacy of the organisation. Since this drill was new and rigorous, and intended to induce discipline, it evoked curiosity initially. And that was the reason that Modi was called ‘headmaster’. Later on, these drills proved to be quite effective in keeping the organisation focused and efficient.”

Singh sidesteps my question on the perceived Sangh-BJP friction during the Vajpayee era, and Modi being the chosen one for a 10-year reset plan. “However, various organisations affiliated with the RSS and having a symbiotic relationship with the BJP are working in closer coordination during Modi’s time than Vajpayee’s stint,” he says. 

“Here again the skill of organisation comes into play. The management of contradictions within the Sangh Parivar is quite effective and faultlines are never exposed in public. This is a good sign for making the political party more efficient and focused.” In the book, Singh highlights a plethora of innovations by Modi the organiser, including the idea of inducting “notables” into the BJP, something new to the party’s old guard.  

“Keeping the sangathinist model of the party’s organisation, Modi also borrowed the concept of ‘notablisation’ and inducted new faces to make the party popular,” he says.  “In addition to this, he innovated another model of roping in influential people from different walks of life, irrespective of their background, within the BJP’s fold. These persons may not have a family background of notables, but they wielded enormous influence in society on account of their excellence in different fields. This has given a fillip to the party’s growth.”

What about Modi’s handling of the media? I prod the journalist in Singh. “The assumption that the press conference is the only method to reach out to people has become untenable in light of new technological innovations,” he says. 

“The conventional modes of communication(s) are becoming irrelevant when it comes to reaching out to the masses. Modi has successfully adapted to these technological changes and has been reaching out to people in a far more effective manner. Hence, his popularity remains very high. Also, it will be wrong to say that he is shunning the media. He has given interviews to the electronic, print and digital platforms much more than any other prime minister in the past.”

Though Singh avoids making any predictions in his book, he seems confident that Modi is a textbook for future leaders. “Of course, a leader of Modi’s stature invariably sets a template for the future generation of leadership,” he adds. “But every generation of leadership evolves in a unique manner and cannot be a replica of the past.”

As we wrap up the interview, Singh reveals the theme of the next book in his mind. “I want to write about some major events that had led to a huge impact or outcome, but are no more present in our collective memory. You could say, some uncomfortable memories that were erased by the political elites,” Singh signs off, maintaining an air of suspense. 

With book jacket 
The Architect of the New BJP: How Narendra Modi Transformed the Party
Ajay Singh
Penguin Random House 
Rs 599

KOCHI:  Bobby McFerrin’s ‘Don’t Worry, Be Happy’ would be the last thing one expects to pop up while initiating a conversation with the press secretary to the President of India. That, too, when the subject of discussion is Prime Minister Narendra Modi.  But Ajay Singh, who joined Rashtrapati Bhavan in 2019, probes this correspondent’s caller tune. The tiger doesn’t change its stripes, they say. An ace journalist, his observations are sharp, and diction measured. “Zabardast hain,” he remarks in a husky voice on the 1988 Grammy-winning track.   It is with similar attention to detail that Singh has approached his new book The Architect of the New BJP How Narendra Modi Transformed the Party. With pithy prose and anecdotes, Singh uses his pen as a scalpel to dissect the many layers of the monolith that Modi has evolved into.  “I undertook this study after reading a classic book by an American political scientist, Myron Weiner, who wrote in great detail about the organisation building of the Congress after India attained independence,” says Singh.  “That book motivated me to undertake a similar study of the BJP, and the role of Modi as a central figure. So I have explored his organisational capabilities, his innovative methods conventional and unconventional to understand the phenomenal expansion of the BJP across the country.”  Singh, however, stays off hyperbole and eulogy in his book. As American political analyst and writer Walter Andersen notes in the foreword: “Unlike so many studies of Modi, this is not a book that relies almost exclusively on news reports and quotes that appear in the press. Nor does it have an agenda aimed primarily at condemning or praising.”   And, the result is a classic study a must-read for anyone keen on fathoming the ‘Modi effect’ on the BJP as well as the political landscape of ‘New India’ on the whole. Singh terms it “one of India’s most exciting political journeys”.  “In my work, I have focused exclusively on building up the organisational network of the BJP, and the methods employed in it,” says Singh.  “I have deliberately confined my study to Modi’s organisational abilities and subsequent expansion of the BJP in areas considered inaccessible to the party such as eastern India, the northeast and parts of southern India.” From extensive interviews, reminiscence and his old reporter’s diary, Singh gleans momentous events in the epoch-making saga of an RSS pracharak evolving into, arguably, one of the most popular political leaders on earth today. “My own experience as a reporter who covered the events that led to the present political situation was also helpful in narrating this story,” he notes.  Here is a gem from Modi’s RSS-to-BJP “transition” days in 1986. It is on a yatra, much ahead of the Ayodhya Rath Yatra and the Ekta Yatra from Kanyakumari to Kashmir, which established Modi as a master “organiser”.   Gujarat was politically charged, with communal tensions on the rise. The Ahmedabad civic polls a prestigious battle was slated for 1987. It would be Modi’s “first test” as a party general secretary (organisation).  In 1986, the Congress-led state government banned the city’s famed Jagannath Yatra citing “security reasons”. It was seen as an “affront to the Hindus and their religious traditions”, and the government was accused of being “bent upon pandering to the Muslims”, recalls Singh.  The Sangh Parivar threw its weight behind the yatra. And on D-Day, Modi, the man in charge, pulled off a masterstroke.  “In the morning, the Jagannath temple resembled a police camp, and one of the elephants they are housed in the temple complex round the year and lead the annual procession surprised all as it led the charge and broke open the barrier. Within a minute, all police arrangements were thrown out of gear, and before anyone could realise what was happening the Rath Yatra had started,” writes Singh.   He adds: “People of Ahmedabad still remember it as the ‘Swayambhoo Yarta’, a procession that proceeded on its own. But of course, it did not happen ‘on its own’, and the elephant did not plan to defy the government order. There was a meticulous strategy behind it all. And it was widely attributed to Modi, even if there was never a credible acknowledgement from him.”  Similarly, while retracing Modi’s travels to several states as a BJP general secretary, Singh highlights a vital mission to Madhya Pradesh ahead of the 1998 assembly election. He notes that Modi’s “emphasis on training for the cadre was so intense and focused that he soon acquired the nickname of ‘headmaster’ among state party veterans”.  “I referred to that comment by some senior leaders in Madhya Pradesh who had been subjected to a new drill of training and orientation by Modi,” says Singh. “In fact, Modi’s view was that ‘training is a science’ that enhances the efficacy of the organisation. Since this drill was new and rigorous, and intended to induce discipline, it evoked curiosity initially. And that was the reason that Modi was called ‘headmaster’. Later on, these drills proved to be quite effective in keeping the organisation focused and efficient.” Singh sidesteps my question on the perceived Sangh-BJP friction during the Vajpayee era, and Modi being the chosen one for a 10-year reset plan. “However, various organisations affiliated with the RSS and having a symbiotic relationship with the BJP are working in closer coordination during Modi’s time than Vajpayee’s stint,” he says.  “Here again the skill of organisation comes into play. The management of contradictions within the Sangh Parivar is quite effective and faultlines are never exposed in public. This is a good sign for making the political party more efficient and focused.” In the book, Singh highlights a plethora of innovations by Modi the organiser, including the idea of inducting “notables” into the BJP, something new to the party’s old guard.   “Keeping the sangathinist model of the party’s organisation, Modi also borrowed the concept of ‘notablisation’ and inducted new faces to make the party popular,” he says.  “In addition to this, he innovated another model of roping in influential people from different walks of life, irrespective of their background, within the BJP’s fold. These persons may not have a family background of notables, but they wielded enormous influence in society on account of their excellence in different fields. This has given a fillip to the party’s growth.” What about Modi’s handling of the media? I prod the journalist in Singh. “The assumption that the press conference is the only method to reach out to people has become untenable in light of new technological innovations,” he says.  “The conventional modes of communication(s) are becoming irrelevant when it comes to reaching out to the masses. Modi has successfully adapted to these technological changes and has been reaching out to people in a far more effective manner. Hence, his popularity remains very high. Also, it will be wrong to say that he is shunning the media. He has given interviews to the electronic, print and digital platforms much more than any other prime minister in the past.” Though Singh avoids making any predictions in his book, he seems confident that Modi is a textbook for future leaders. “Of course, a leader of Modi’s stature invariably sets a template for the future generation of leadership,” he adds. “But every generation of leadership evolves in a unique manner and cannot be a replica of the past.” As we wrap up the interview, Singh reveals the theme of the next book in his mind. “I want to write about some major events that had led to a huge impact or outcome, but are no more present in our collective memory. You could say, some uncomfortable memories that were erased by the political elites,” Singh signs off, maintaining an air of suspense.  With book jacket  The Architect of the New BJP: How Narendra Modi Transformed the Party Ajay Singh Penguin Random House  Rs 599