Nilanjan Mukhopadhyay writes: Why PM Modi mentioned Abbas Ramsada in his blog

Back then, he refused a skull cap offered by a Muslim cleric. His action during the Sadbhavna campaign announcing his arrival as a prime ministerial contender was applauded by supporters and criticised by adversaries. It cemented his position as a polarising figure, which contributed immensely to his rise. After becoming PM, Modi has held occasional private but publicised meetings with Muslim representatives and sent chadars during festivities to a dargah or two. In September 2017, he accompanied then-Japanese premier Shinzo Abe to Ahmedabad’s 16th-century Sidi Saiyyed mosque. It was Modi’s first-ever public visit to the architectural marvel, evidence of the historical fruition of Gujarat’s multiculturalism, and marked an important turn in his political career.

Is it sheer coincidence that the timing of the mosque visit with Abe – a few months prior to the Gujarat assembly election – is somewhat similar to his revelation about Abbas, also before polls are due in the state?

Since he was Gujarat’s chief minister, Modi has positioned himself as a firm believer in the “sabka doctrine”, the principle formulated by Lal Krishna Advani – “development of all, appeasement of none.” The PM’s reference to Abbas was made on his blog, a platform which played a crucial role in creating the Modi cult. Because other digital and social media platforms are available to him, Modi rarely blogs now – the last time was in October 2021, to mark India’s Covid-19 vaccinations touching the 100 crore mark. This latest blog, titled ‘Mother’ (Ma and Mata in Hindi and Gujarati, respectively) marked a personal watershed in Modi’s and his mother’s life – she entering the 100th year of her life. The over 4,000-word blog was mainly devoted to sketching her life, mentioning hardships, her resoluteness in the face of adversity and her spirit to battle it out to provide for her children. His mother is presented as extending complete support for his choices in life and his image as a selfless leader was fortified through these references.

No action of Modi is without a purpose. A direct reference to Abbas, as evidence of his family’s affability towards a young Muslim boy battling through a difficult phase in life, would have appeared incongruous. The character was thereby introduced in the blog to substantiate Hiraben’s portrayal as a person who “would find happiness in other people’s joys.” No direct suggestion is required — the blog mentions several of his mother’s attributes that Modi picked up, for readers to draw the inference that he too draws delight and a sense of fulfilment from the happiness and well-being of people. Modi’s father too is depicted as a caring elder who brought home his friend’s son and provided warmth and support when the latter was vulnerable. Hiraben is also said to have prepared the boy’s favourite dishes during Eid, thus highlighting her (and the family’s) respect for others’ faith.

Each of these details seeks to establish that Modi’s upbringing was not in an Islamophobic family. Instead, taking care of a Muslim in distress was part of his familial values. It is a different matter that the episode with Abbas took place in 1973, by which time Modi had left home and become part of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh. Modi would probably have had no, or very little, interaction with Abbas because he was a classmate of his younger brother, Pankaj. This is not mentioned and it is suggested that Hiraben showering love and care “like she did for all of us siblings”, was endorsed by Modi.

The existence of Abbas and his association with the Modi family has been in the public domain since early 2014 when Sudesh Verma, a journalist turned BJP leader, wrote a biography lavishing praise on Modi and mentioned this episode. Yet, in the past eight years, Modi has not spoken or written about this. Few will fail to note that this mention has been made against the backdrop of the controversy arising out of suspended BJP spokesperson Nupur Sharma’s comment on the Prophet.

It is natural to ask if Abbas has been introduced into the public discourse to project Modi as having grown up with inclusive values. If this is the case, then who is the effort directed at? Enraged Islamic nations and their regimes, or motor-mouths within the BJP?

But will this exercise help the BJP or Modi to fulfil either objective?

No global leader, certainly not from the nations that hauled up New Delhi for Sharma’s and her colleague’s comments, will alter or form their views about Modi based on well-choreographed repostings of a tale from the past. Likewise, it is difficult to imagine the BJP rank and file abandoning overnight the vocabulary of hate and prejudice that they have been trained to use over the past eight years.

Instances of senior BJP leaders using objectionable language are well known and available aplenty in the public domain. The Abbas tale may have “trended” and created a splash for the man, now in Australia, and also added to the ongoing project to publicise Modi’s “softer side”. But beyond that, it will do precious little for Modi and his government.

The writer is an NCR-based author and journalist. His latest book is The Demolition and the Verdict: Ayodhya and the Project to Reconfigure India.