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PAGD CONDEMNS ED’S SUMMONS TO MEHBOOBA MUFTI’S MOTHER

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The Peoples’ Alliance for Gupkar Declaration (PAGD) condemned the summoning of the mother of PDP president Mehbooba Mufti by the Enforcement Directorate (ED), calling it “highly humiliating” and “coercive act”.

The ED had on Tuesday summoned Mufti’s mother and widow of former Union Home Minister, late Mufti Mohammad Sayeed, Gulshan Nazir asking her to appear at the agency’s office in Srinagar on July 14 in connection with a money laundering case. In a statement, PAGD spokesman Mohamed Yusuf Tarigami said, “The summoning of the widow of former Union Home Minister, late Mufti Mohammad Sayeed, by the Enforcement Directorate (ED) is highly humiliating and there are not enough words to condemn such coercive acts.”

He further said, “She is an old and frail lady, and summoning her is nothing but pressure tactics of the government. The irony is that the summon was issued just hours after the PDP declined to meet the visiting Delimitation Commission.”

“PAGD strongly condemns the issuance of summon to Mufti Sahab’s widow,” he added.

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WOMEN CAN HAIL, BOARD TELANGANA RTC BUSES ANYWHERE AFTER 7:30 PM

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The Telangana State Road Transport Corporation (TSRTC) issued orders to all bus drivers and conductors to stop the bus anywhere on the request of women after 7:30 pm. According to a statement issued by the TSRTC on Tuesday, this hail and board service which can be used to stop or get down from buses not necessarily at bus stops has been started with the aim of providing better facilities to passengers and safe bus travel for women at night. Orders have been issued with this regard to all the depot managers, bus conductors, and drivers. If the bus driver or conductor does not follow the rules, passengers can contact the depot manager and lodge a complaint, said the TSRTC.

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Petrol price crosses Rs 100 in Delhi, Rahul calls it ‘tax extortion’

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Congress leader Rahul Gandhi on Wednesday hit out at the Centre as the petrol prices crossed Rs 100-mark in the national capital and alleged that the Modi government runs on “tax extortion”.

“Your car may run on petrol or diesel, Modi government runs on tax extortion,” the Congress MP tweeted in Hindi, using hashtag ‘TaxExtortion’. The price of petrol crossed Rs 100-mark in Delhi today and stood at Rs 100.21 per litre while the price of diesel was at Rs 89.53 per litre.

Rates have been increased across the country and differ from state to state depending on the incidence of value-added tax. The fuel prices continue to soar across the country and have crossed Rs 100 in many states.

The petrol price is at Rs 108.63 per litre in Bhopal and in Kolkata, it is at Rs 100.23 per litre.

Meanwhile, Congress has decided to launch a 10-day nationwide agitation against inflation from July 7.

According to Congress’s statement, party leaders and workers would take out Cycle Yatra at district levels. The party leaders and workers will also take out march and processions at the state level. A signature campaign will be run at all petrol pumps across the country demanding a reduction in fuel prices.

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Upset with Paras’ inclusion into Cabinet, Chirag moves Delhi HC

Chirag Paswan-led faction moves HC against Speaker’s decision to recognise Pashupati Paras as LJP leader.

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The Chirag Paswan-led faction of the Lok Janshakti Party (LJP) on Wednesday filed a petition before Delhi High Court against the decision of the Lok Sabha Speaker to recognise Pashupati Paras as the leader of the party in the House.

Speaking to The Daily Guardian, Chirag Paswan’s advocate A.K. Bajpai said: “I have filed a writ petition in Delhi High Court under Article 226 of the Constitution of India, challenging the order of the Speaker of the Lok Sabha in which the Speaker had designated Pashupati Paras as leader of the Lok Janshakti Party in Lok Sabha. The Lok Sabha Speaker’s decision is absolutely unconstitutional, illegal and against the rule, procedure and practice. That’s why we have challenged the decision of the Lok Sabha Speaker the before Delhi High Court.”

Advocate Bajpai also told The Daily Guardian: “We approached the Speaker and sought to review his decision; at that time, the Speaker had promised to our delegation that he will examine his decision, but despite repeated requests, there has been no response from the Speaker’s side.”

“The Delhi High Court is likely to hear the matter on Friday. We have also sought stay on the Speaker’s decision till the matter is pending before the High Court,” he added.

In a series of tweets, Chirag Paswan said that Pashupati Paras has already been expelled from the Lok Janshakti Party for betraying the party and now the party strongly objects to his inclusion in the Union Cabinet.

“The Lok Janshakti Party has today filed a petition in the Delhi High Court against the decision of the Hon’ble Speaker of the Lok Sabha, in which the expelled MP Shri Pashupati Parasji was considered the leader of the LJP in the House,” Chirag further added. Chirag Paswan further tweeted that he has full respect for the right of Prime Minister Narendra Modi as to who he includes in his team, but that as far as the LJP is concerned, Pashupati Paras is not a member of the party.

Pashupati Paras has got a place in the Modi cabinet from the quota of LJP. In fact, there is a lot of political tussle going on between Chirag Paswan and his uncle Pashupati Paras for supremacy in the party. According to the Chirag Paswan-led faction, Paras rebelled against Chirag and captured the party and declared himself the leader of the House in the Lok Sabha on behalf of the party.

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Poll-bound states mattered in Cabinet reshuffle

However, Jats of western Uttar Pradesh and Garhwal in Uttarakhand remain ignored.

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While carrying out the mega cabinet expansion, Prime Minister Narendra Modi focused considerably on election-bound states and backward communities. The strength of leaders from OBC and SC categories in the new team of PM Modi is good. But amid this social engineering exercise, a little bit more needed to be done as far as UP and Uttarakhand are concerned. Nothing was seen in the cabinet expansion aimed at wooing the Jat community which is dominant in Western Uttar Pradesh. This, despite the fact that leaders of agitating farmers belong to this region of UP. Similarly, the Garhwal region, which accounts for a majority of Assembly seats in Uttarakhand, was ignored in the cabinet expansion exercise.

Ajay Bhatt, who was given a ministerial berth, belongs to Kumaun division where Uttarakhand Chief Minister Pushkar Singh Dhami also hails from. What was believed was that after the removal of Ramesh Pokhriyal Nishank, either former CM Tirath Singh Rawat or RS MP Anil Baluni would be accommodated. But Ajay Bhatt made it to the team Modi, resulting in lack of regional balance in Uttarakhand. State BJP president Madan Kaushik is also from non-hill area. Significantly, of all 70 Assembly seats, 41 are from Garhwal region. So, the issue of regional balance being ignored could be a big issue at the time of assembly elections which are due after eight months. Now, NSA Ajit Doval is the only person from Garhwal to hold a significant post in the Modi government.

Maximum number of ministerial slots have gone to Uttar Pradesh, with seven new faces having been accommodated in the cabinet. Of these, six are from eastern UP. Analysts believe that BJP is going to repeat the strategy of 2017 elections when it had tried to woo all backward castes excluding Yadavs. This is the reason why a lot of publicity was given to the government focusing on social engineering ahead of the expansion. A message about the government taking care of backwards in UP was spread through the media.

However, Ajay Mishra, who is a new face, has been accommodated in order to woo the Brahmins in UP.  BJP strategists are confident that the forwards will not go away from the saffron outfit, so the more focus is on backwards. In order to give a message to Yadavs, Bhupinder Yadav of Rajasthan, who is also close to Amit Shah, has been given a cabinet berth. He was holding a very important post in the organisation. But what has surprised many is that the Jat community of Western UP has been ignored. What remains to be seen as to what the BJP does to woo the farmers in days to come.

However, PM Modi has ensured that every state is given representation in his team. Ashwin Vaishnav, who was made a minister, is from Odisha quota. But he has his connection with Jodhpur in Rajasthan. Bhupinder Yadav is also from Rajasthan. Modi has tried to ensure a caste and class balance in the cabinet. Five leaders from Gujarat have been included in the team of PM Modi. States such as UP, Uttarakhand, Punjab, Gujarat, Manipur and Goa are going to polls next year. There is no denying BJP’s prestige is at stake in UP and Uttarakhand. Another message which PM Modi gave by removing several senior ministers is that he would not tolerate non-performance. The next year Assembly polls will be the first important test of the newly-expanded cabinet.

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BOLLYWOOD LOSES ITS BRIGHTEST STAR

Dilip Kumar passed away at the age of 98 in Mumbai on Wednesday. His death brings down the curtains not only on a glorious career, but also marks the end of an era in Bollywood.

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During the making of Mashaal (1984), Dilip Kumar would routinely call screenwriter Javed Akhtar and ask him to narrate the script repeatedly. One half of the iconic screenwriting duo “Salim-Javed”, Akhtar had previously penned Shakti (1982) with his former partner Salim Khan that featured the thespian in the lead, and as a result, knew how the actor approached his characters. Yet Akhtar couldn’t put his finger on why Dilip Kumar constantly asked for a narration. Kumar’s body of work included some of the landmark films in Hindi cinema—Andaz (1949), Aan (1952), Amar (1954), Devdas (1955), Naya Daur (1957), Madhumati (1958), Mughal-e-Azam (1960), and Ganga Jumna (1961)—and he excelled at playing complex characters. Akhtar finally asked the actor why he insisted on endless narrations, and he was surprised when the actor told him that the intensity of his character “Vinod Kumar” was unlike he had ever encountered. Anyone who followed Hindi cinema from the 1950s onwards would assume that someone like Dilip Kumar would find a film like Mashaal to be a cakewalk. After all, he was the “tragedy king” and peerless when it came to the genre Mashaal fell into, but the actor still gave it his all. Dilip Kumar’s death at 98 brings down the curtains on not only a glorious career as a screen legend but also marks the end of an epoch in more ways than one could count.

Born “Yusuf Khan” in 1922 in Peshawar, Dilip Kumar hailed from a well-to-do family of fruit merchants. In the shadow of the looming Second World War, his father, Ghulam Sarwar Khan, began exploring business opportunities in Bombay. Initially, Sarwar Khan’s family stayed back in Peshawar, but a stray incident where he picked up a baby in a pram because he reminded him of his son, Yusuf, started a chain of reactions leading the entire family shift to Bombay. Sarwar Khan set up a thriving business in Bombay’s Crawford Market but Yusuf’s elder brother, Ayub Khan, developed a respiratory disorder, and the family shifted to the hilly terrains of Deolali, an Army station located at a distance of 180 kilometres from Bombay. In Deolali, Yusuf enrolled in Barnes School, learnt to speak English, fell in love with football, and for the rest of his life referred to himself as a Deolali boy. During vacations, the family went to Peshawar, and Yusuf spent time with his grandparents and cultivated a lifelong friendship with someone who would become one of his most famous contemporaries—Raj Kapoor. In Peshawar, the Khan family was friendly with the family of Dewan Basheshwarnath Kapoor, Raj Kapoor’s grandfather, and many years later, Yusuf and Raj would meet again in then Bombay’s Khalsa College. Family hardships forced Yusuf to leave home and work as manager of a British Army canteen. He set a sandwich business for a while and even took over the family’s fruit supply operations before landing a contract with Bombay Talkies in 1942 for a monthly salary of a princely sum of Rs 1,250.

Devika Rani, the prima donna of India films and the boss of Bombay Talkies, gave Yusuf Khan his screen name “Dilip Kumar”. It was in the first meeting that Devika Rani spotted Yusuf’s potential, she had done this on another occasion a few years ago when she transformed Kumudlal Kunjilal Ganguly into “Ashok Kumar”. Unlike Raj Kapoor, who was trying to break into films and got a monthly salary of Rs 170, Dilip Kumar was a star from the moment he set foot in Bombay Talkies. He maintained that aura all through the course of his career. His debut Jwar Bhata (1944) did not create the kind of dent Rani would have imagined, however, he zoomed past the likes of Ashok Kumar, Dev Anand, Motilal, and Raj Kapoor in a short period. Kumar’s first box office success came in the form of Jugnu (1947), and although films such as Shaheed (1948) and Mela (1948) were successful, nothing announced his arrival as Mehboob’s Andaz (1949). Mehboob’s Andaz featured Nargis and Raj Kapoor as well, and the casting couldn’t have been better, but Dilip Kumar stood out, and there was no looking back. Dilip Kumar possessed the star quality that filmmakers often seek. This is why the likes of Mehboob Khan and Bimal Roy, arguably two of the most prominent filmmakers in Hindi cinema in the 1940s and the 1950s, picked him over the others. Kumar featured in Mehboob’s technicolour extravaganza Aan and Amar and was the first choice to play the role of Birju in Mother India (1957). Kumar wanted to play the double role of the father Shamu, later played by Raaj Kumar as well as the elder son, Ramu, eventually played by Rajendra Kumar as he couldn’t wrap his mind around playing son to Nargis, a heroine that he had romanced on screen. Bimal Roy’s version of Devdas (1951) cemented Kumar’s status as the unparalleled tragedy king of Hindi cinema, a style first noticed by the fans in Deedar (1951).

Nehruvian socialism heavily influenced the hero of post-Independence popular Hindi cinema. Dilip Kumar, along with Raj Kapoor and Dev Anand, often imbibed certain personality traits of India’s first Prime Minister Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru in one way or the other while portraying characters. Kapoor’s early films—Awaara (1951),Shree 420 (1955), and Boot Polish (1954)—drew a lot from classic Soviet literature and ideas and his loveable tramp was supposed to represent the average Indian with a heart of gold despite the hardships that seemed to stem from the institutional model of the country. Dev Anand represented the modernism of Nehru, but it was Dilip Kumar who was nestled in between and offered the ideal mix of traditions and modernity. In films such as Naya Daur and Ganga Jumna, Kumar enmeshed all the qualities that defined the socialist model that Nehru’s pitched with the right balance. The dacoit-saga Ganga Jumna was the first film that Kumar directed, although Nitin Bose was credited, and the Censor board nearly stopped its release until Kumar approached Nehru to help him out. Both the film and Kumar’s performance are counted amongst the greatest to date and have inspired films such as Deewar (1975). The other aspect that separated Dilip Kumar from the ilk was that unlike the other two, Anand and Kapoor, or even the later stars who followed, he and his films did not seem interchangeable. The dark underbelly of newly-independent India’s commercial capital Bombay explored by Kapoor in Awaara or Shree 420, and Dev Anand in films like Baazi (1951), CID (1956), Jaal (1952), Kala Bazar (1960), Jaali Note (1960)seem to be near-perfect substitutes. On the other hand, Dilip Kumar films were his own, unique, and singular in every aspect of the word, and the fans knew this and remained steadfast to Kumar even when he reduced his output.

Right from the onset of his career, Dilip Kumar was never hurried or rushed. He refused more films than most of his contemporaries put together and was more adept at shifting gears than everyone else. Kumar’s career peaked between 1947 and 1964, a period where 36 of his 58 films released, and there was hardly anything left for him to prove. He had achieved more than what could have been expected from a film star. Perhaps that is why he refused Pyaasa (1957), as it seemed to remind him of some of his tragic roles and even said no to David Lean. The latter wanted to cast him as Prince Sherif Ali in Lawrence of Arabia (1962) as he felt he would not have been comfortable in the Hollywood setup. This was when Dilip Kumar agreed to do lighter roles in Kohinoor and Ram Aur Shyam (1967), reportedly at the suggestion of his psychoanalyst. In his autobiography, The Substance and the Shadow, Kumar writes how he almost decided to quit acting after the success of Ram Aur Shyam, but was dissuaded by his wife, Saira Banu. The advent of Rajesh Khanna and later Amitabh Bachchan changed the template of Hindi films, and like most stars of the earlier generations, Kumar had a tough time finding his space. No matter what Dilip Kumar did, he would always be larger than life. Perhaps this is why the mainstream everyman roles in the 1970s, dominated by the angst-driven Angry Young Man persona popularised by Salim-Javed films, were a kind of misfit for him. The 1970s were not too kind to Kumar with films like Gopi (1970), Dastaan (1972), Sagina (1972) and Bairaag (1976) that hardly mattered, and he took a sabbatical before returning with Manoj Kumar’s Kranti (1980). Kumar rediscovered his rhythm in the 1980s not because he found his sweet spot but thanks to the filmmakers who finally came up with scripts that would justify his talent and stature without being ostensibly larger than life. The decade saw him featured opposite younger and up and coming stars such as Amitabh Bachchan in Shakti, Sanjay Dutt in Vidhaata (1982) and Kanoon Apna Apna (1989), Anil Kapoor in Mashaal (1984), and Karma (1986) that also had Jackie Shroff and Sridevi, Rishi Kapoor in Duniya (1984), and Govinda and Madhuri Dixit in Izzatdaar (1990).

A true pioneer, Dilip Kumar’s films in the 1980s had created a space where a former superstar could manage to feature in meaningful roles. However, the 1990s with Saudagar (1991) and later Qilla (1998), Kumar’s last film, did more harm as the template went back to the larger-than-life template both in terms of the film’s scope and the character. Through the 1990s, Kumar tried to complete his directorial venture Kalinga, the story of a judge and his two sons played by Raj Kiran and Raj Babbar, but the film went over budget and the producer, Sudhakar Bokade backed out. Off-screen, there were some instances where Kumar’s actions generated controversy as well; such as in the early 1980s, when he publicly declared his second marriage to a divorced Hyderabad-based socialite Asma Sahiba or the time where he refused to return the Nishan-e-Imtiaz, Pakistan’s highest civilian honour, in the wake of the Kargil war in 1999.

When one thinks of Dilip Kumar, the peerless legacy that he left behind as an actor, something that continues to shape the craft of acting to this date, comes to mind. The path that he blazed was followed by generations of actors right from Manoj Kumar, who took his screen after a character played by Dilip Kumar, to Kamal Haasan, who considered him one of the finest ever. There is more to Dilip Kumar than his onscreen persona that inspired people in real life. He was not without his flaws, no human can ever be, but his demeanour and how he conducted himself in public life was far greater than the screen icon that he was. Dilip sahab’s grace and dignity are what many would remember him for besides his brilliance in front of the camera.

Gautam Chintamani is a film historian and author of the bestselling ‘Dark Star: The Loneliness of Being Rajesh Khanna’, ‘The Film That Revived Hindi Cinema’ and ‘Pink: The Inside Story’. His last book, ‘Rajneeti’ was the first biography of Rajnath Singh. His upcoming book ‘The Midway Battle: Challenges at Home and Abroad for Modi 2.0’ will release in 2021.

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Ravi Shankar Prasad, Harsh Vardhan, Javadekar and nine others resign

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Union Information and Broadcasting Minister Prakash Javadekar and IT Minister Ravi Shankar Prasad on Wednesday joined the list of ministers who tendered their resignations ahead of the major Cabinet expansion-cum-reshuffle.

Before the reshuffle and expansion, President Ram Nath Kovind accepted the resignations of 12 ministers, including Ramesh Pokhriyal Nishank, Dr Harsh Vardhan, Sadananda Gowda, Ravi Shankar Prasad, Prakash Javadekar, and Santosh Kumar Gangwar.

Several other ministers including Babul Supriyo, Debasree Chaudhuri, Rattan Lal Kataria, Sanjay Dhotre, Pratap Chandra Sarangi (MoS) and Ashwini Chaubey (MoS) also tendered their resignation.

Among the top leaders to exit the Narendra Modi cabinet is Union Health Minister Harsh Vardhan, who was at the forefront of the Modi government’s fight against the Covid-19 pandemic. His resignation from the health ministry has come at a time even as the second wave of Covid-19 is underway and a probable third wave likely to hit the country in September. However, during his tenure as the Union health minister, Vardhan had courted several controversies, including inaugurating FMCG company Patanjali›s controversial anti-Covid kit Coronil in the presence of Yoga practitioner Ramdev. It›s not clear as to what motivated the change in leadership of the health ministry at this crucial time.

Pokhriyal’s exit is surprising given that the Union Minister for Education has been at the forefront in implementing the new education policy-related changes. The education ministry under Pokhriyal also made significant gains in online education making both contents as well as courses available for free to students across the country amid the pandemic.

Pokhriyal, who tested positive for Covid-19 on 21 April, was admitted to the All India Institute of Medical Sciences (AIIMS) in New Delhi in June again following post-Covid complications. He has resigned from his post citing health reasons, sources said. The former Uttarakhand chief minister took charge as the HRD minister in May 2019.

The other ministers who have quit include Minister of State for Women and Child Development Debasree Chaudhuri, Labour Minister Santosh Gangwar and Minister of State for Education Sanjay Dhotre. Dhotre, who represents the Akola Lok Sabha constituency in Maharashtra, also took charge as the MoS for Education, Communications and Electronics and Information Technology in May 2019. Chaudhuri submitted her resignation in the morning, one of her close aides said. She was elected to the Lok Sabha from West Bengal’s Raiganj constituency in the 2019 general elections. Gangwar said he is not aware of what his new role in the government will be.

Union Minister for Social Justice and Empowerment Thawarchand Gehlot had taken over as the Governor of Karnataka on Tuesday, and had told the media that he would resign on Wednesday as the Minister of Social Justice and Empowerment.

With agency inputs

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