New York bar co-owner defying coronavirus shutdown accused of hitting sheriff’s deputy with car
Mac’s Public House co-owner Danny Presti arrested for second time this week, facing assault and reckless endangerment charges; Laura Ingle reports.
President and his associates continue to deny he lost the election, but they won’t be able to hold out much longer as election results are formally turned in this month
Tensions between the United States and Iran remain high, and the future of the relationship between the two countries is unclear amid the presidential transition, but things are looking calm at sea for the moment, The Associated Press reports.Vice Adm. Sam Paparo, the top U.S. Navy official in the Middle East who oversees the 5th fleet in Bahrain, said Sunday that the U.S. has "achieved an uneasy deterrence" with Iran in the Persian Gulf, the Gulf of Oman, and the Arabian Sea, where both navies operate. "That uneasy deterrence is exacerbated by world events and by events along the way," he said at the annual Manama Dialogue hosted by the International Institute for Strategic Studies. "But I have found Iranian activity at sea to be cautious and circumspect and respectful, to not risk unnecessary miscalculation or escalation at sea."Iran over the last few years has seized or attacked tankers at sea, but Paparo suggested those actions look like they're on the way out, a markedly different view from his predecessor Vice Adm. James Mallow, who told journalists in August that Iran's maritime activites were "reckless and provocative." Read more at The Associated Press.More stories from theweek.com The post-Mitch McConnell GOP is going to be a carnival of madness Georgia secretary of state: 'We have now counted legally cast ballots 3 times and the results remain unchanged' I'm rooting for pro-democracy Republicans
The Virginia Military Institute removed a prominent statue of Confederate Gen. Thomas “Stonewall” Jackson on Monday, a project initiated this fall after allegations of systemic racism roiled the public college. The school's board voted to remove the statue in late October after The Washington Post published a story that described an “atmosphere of hostility and cultural insensitivity” at VMI, the oldest state-supported military college in the U.S. The piece detailed incidents such as lynching threats and a white professor reminiscing in class about her father’s Ku Klux Klan membership. Since Peay’s departure, VMI announced Cedric Wins, a retired U.S. Army major general, would serve as its interim superintendent, becoming the first Black leader to serve in that role.
As Japanese planes swarmed Pearl Harbor on December 7, 1941, a secretive naval unit - "a suicide squadron" - attempted its own ill-fated attack.
WASHINGTON (Reuters) -U.S. environmental groups that poured money and effort behind Democrat Joe Biden's successful run for president are shifting to a new more adversarial role now that he has been elected, launching a pressure campaign to make sure he delivers on his promises to fight climate change. The dynamic reflects a return to influence for environmental advocacy groups after four years in which they were shut out by the administration of President Donald Trump, a climate skeptic who crafted policies to maximize U.S. fossil fuel development with the help of industry. While Biden united a range of groups from youth activists to labor unions behind his presidential campaign, he has already become the target of some green groups for considering cabinet picks with ties to fossil fuels.
Take your home garden to the next level this winterOriginally Appeared on Architectural Digest
The world is eagerly awaiting the release of several COVID-19 vaccines, but Brazilian President Jair Bolsonaro is not. “I’m not going to take it. It’s my right,” he said in a Nov. 26 social media broadcast. Bolsonaro, who came down with COVID-19 in July, has also criticized face masks. He and his more faithful supporters oppose any suggestion of mandatory coronavirus vaccinations. Vaccine resistance has a long history in Brazil. In November 1904, thousands of people in the city of Rio de Janeiro protested government-mandated smallpox vaccinations in a famous revolt that nearly ended with a coup. Making modern BrazilThe smallpox vaccine had arrived in Brazil almost a century earlier. But the syringes were long, left skin pockmarked and could transmit other diseases such as syphilis. Between 1898 and 1904, only 2% to 10% of Rio’s population was vaccinated yearly, according to historian Sidney Chalhoub. In 1904, smallpox killed 0.4% of Rio residents – a higher percentage of the population than COVID-19’s victims in New York City this year.But these were not the only reasons Brazil made vaccinations mandatory in 1904. As part of a “modernization” plan to attract European immigration and foreign investment, President Rodrigues Alves was committed to eradicating epidemics – not just smallpox, but also yellow fever and the bubonic plague.To rid Rio de Janeiro, then the nation’s capital, of sanitary hazards while opening space for Parisian-style avenues and buildings, hundreds of tenements were demolished between 1903 and 1909. Almost 40,000 people – mostly Afro-Brazilians but also poor Italian, Portuguese and Spanish immigrants – were evicted and removed from downtown Rio. Many were left homeless, forced to resettle on nearby hillsides or in distant rural areas. Meanwhile, public health agents accompanied by armed police systematically disinfected homes with sulfur that destroyed furniture and other belongings – whether residents welcomed them or not. Conspiracy and barricadesPoliticians and military officers who opposed President Alves saw opportunity in the outrage these health initiatives caused. They stoked discontent.With the help of labor organizers and news editors, Alves’ opponents led a campaign against Brazil’s public health mandates throughout 1904. Newspapers reported on violent home disinfections and forced vaccinations. Senators and other public figures declared that mandatory vaccinations encroached on people’s homes and bodies.In mid-November of that year, thousands of protesters gathered in public squares to rally against public health efforts. Rio police reacted with disproportionate force, triggering six days of unrest in the city. A racially diverse crowd of students, construction workers, port workers and other residents fought back, armed with rocks, housewares or the tools of their trade, flipping over streetcars to barricade the streets. Meanwhile, behind the scenes, conspirators were mobilizing young military cadets. Their plan: to overthrow Alves’ government. Their scheme was foiled when the president called upon both the Army and the Navy to contain protesters and detain alleged insurgents. Brazil’s great vaccine revolt was soon suppressed. The language of rightsAfterward, newspapers portrayed protesters as an ignorant mass, manipulated by cunning politicians. They deemed one of the uprising’s popular leaders, Horácio José da Silva – known as “Black Silver” – a “disorderly thug.”But Brazil’s vaccine revolt was more than a cynical political manipulation. Digging into archives, historians like me are learning what really motivated the uprising.The violent and segregationist features of Alves’ urban plan are one obvious answer. In early 20th-century Brazil, most people – women, those who couldn’t read, the unemployed – couldn’t vote. For these Brazilians, the streets were the only place to have their voices heard.But why would they so virulently oppose methods that controlled the spread of disease?Delving into newspapers and legal records, I have found that critics of Brazil’s 1904 public health drive often expressed their opposition in terms of “inviolability of the home,” both on the streets and in courts.For elite Brazilians, invoking this constitutional right was about protecting the privacy of their households, where men ruled over wives, children and servants. Public health agents threatened this patriarchal authority by demanding access to homes and women’s bodies.Poor men and women in Rio also held patriarchal values. But for them there was more than privacy at stake in 1904. Throughout the 19th century, enslaved Afro-Brazilians had formed families and built homes, even on plantations, carving out spaces of relative freedom from their masters. After slavery was abolished in 1888, many freed Afro-Brazilians shared crowded tenements with immigrants. By the time of Alves’s vaccination drive, the poor of Rio had been fighting eviction and police violence for decades. For Black Brazilians, then, defending their rights to choose what to do – or not to do – with their homes and bodies was part of a much longer struggle for social, economic and political inclusion. Deadly learning experienceFour years after the 1904 revolt, Rio was struck by another smallpox epidemic. With so many people unvaccinated, deaths doubled; almost 1% of the city perished.[Deep knowledge, daily. Sign up for The Conversation’s newsletter.]It was a deadly learning experience. From then on, Brazilian leaders framed mandatory smallpox, measles and other vaccines as a means to protect the common good, and invested in educational campaigns to explain why. Throughout the 20th century, vaccinations were extremely successful in Brazil. Since the 1990s, 95% of children have been vaccinated, though the numbers are dropping.Today, Brazil is one of the countries hardest hit by the coronavirus pandemic. As in the past, Afro-Brazilians are hurting more than others.By invoking Brazilians’ individual right not to get vaccinated against COVID-19, President Bolsonaro is ignoring the lessons of 1904 – undermining a century of hard work fighting disease in Brazil.This article is republished from The Conversation, a nonprofit news site dedicated to sharing ideas from academic experts. It was written by: Pedro Cantisano, University of Nebraska Omaha.Read more: * COVID-19 is deadlier for black Brazilians, a legacy of structural racism that dates back to slavery * In Brazil’s raging pandemic, domestic workers fear for their lives – and their jobsPedro Cantisano does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organization that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.
The killing of Iran's top nuclear scientist last month was carried out remotely with artificial intelligence and a machine gun equipped with a "satellite-controlled smart system," Tasnim News Agency in Iran quoted a senior commander as saying.
Mexico’s President Andrés Manuel López Obrador has tossed another hot potato to U.S. President-elect Joe Biden with a proposal that would restrict U.S. agents in Mexico and remove their diplomatic immunity. The proposal submitted quietly this week by López Obrador would require Drug Enforcement Administration agents to hand over all information they collect to the Mexican government, and require any Mexican officials they contact to submit a full report to Mexico’s Foreign Relations Department.
How have we gotten to this point — with the just-defeated president claiming without any verifiable evidence that the election has been stolen from him in an unprecedented act of voter fraud and a solid majority of his party's voters inclined to believe the conspiracy?Most pundits have placed the blame squarely on Donald Trump himself, the man who made a point of spreading distrust in the electoral system months before the counting began and who clearly stated in the weeks leading up to the vote that he would not accept any outcome other than his own victory.Yet in a lengthy, insightful column published over the weekend, The New York Times' Ross Douthat suggested an alternative explanation. Instead of blaming Trump and other prominent Republicans for encouraging voters to believe the election was stolen, Douthat suggests that we need to understand the spread of election-related conspiracies over the past month as being "about demand as much as supply." By this he means that many people are going in search of evidence to substantiate beliefs they for the most part already hold rather than allowing themselves to be corralled into those beliefs by dishonest, intentionally bad actors.The problem, in other words, isn't mainly the influence of Trump, the conspiracy-addled right-wing media ecosystem, and complicit members of the Republican Party. It's a broader, pre-existing tendency of people in general (and conservatives in particular) to be persuaded by the kinds of things these people are saying.Douthat's column is characteristically thoughtful and well worth reading and pondering. It's also a useful corrective to those on the center-left and the Never Trump center-right who reflexively blame the president for everything they don't like about what the GOP has become in recent years — in many cases because they fervently want to believe that after Trump is taken down, the Republican Party will be freed up to revert back to the way it was when George W. Bush, John McCain, and Mitt Romney were its standard bearers. If Douthat's emphasis on the demand side of the equation inspires some deeper thinking on the part of these Trump critics about the challenge of responding to troubling trends on the right, it will have done more good than most opinion columns.Yet Douthat's focus on what conservative voters want to believe goes too far, relieving the president and other members of his party of responsibility for actively cultivating and encouraging illiberal and anti-democratic habits of thinking in the Republican electorate.The primary reason Republican voters are inclined to believe conspiracies about a stolen election is that Trump primed them to believe it by talking for months about how untrustworthy elections (and especially mail-in ballots) are — and because lots of Trump's most loyal allies in the party and a series of partisan pollsters acted as if the president was heading toward easy re-election when he was actually 8-10 points behind. Those mainstream, professional polls ended up being off by 4-5 points. But they weren't off by twice that much or more, which is what they would have needed to be to vindicate the hopes and expectations that many Republican officials and pundits actively encouraged.And then, of course, there was Trump's own reaction to the outcome of the vote, beginning with his temper tantrum at 2:30 a.m. on election night, along with countless public remarks, speeches, and tweets over the past month aggressively denying that he lost and alleging that the election was stolen from him. If Trump had behaved like any previous president in the modern era — allowing the counting to continue until it was complete and then conceding the race once the crucial states were called on Saturday, Nov. 7 — millions of Republican voters who now affirm conspiracies of voter fraud would likely have taken a very different view, placing far less faith in sinister plots.Instead, the president, along with his lawyers, media cheerleaders, and allies in Congress have thoroughly polluted the public square with lies and ill-founded insinuations of wrongdoing. And the overabundant supply of epistemic toxins has had a powerful effect.This should surprise no one.Before John McCain picked Sarah Palin as his running-mate, Republicans weren't sitting around in early 2008 pining for a sassy, trash-talking demagogue. But once they saw her and listened to her speak, they loved it and wanted more.Likewise with the "birtherism" that Trump used to launch his political career. Republican voters weren't looking for corroboration that Barack Obama was born in another country and so was literally an illegitimate president. They were unhappy with his presidency and fastened onto a ready-made conspiracy to explain their distaste once it was offered to them.This doesn't mean that everything that happens on the right is driven by politicians supplying the voters with bad ideas. But it does mean that supply and demand usually inform one another in complicated ways — and that supply often shapes demand and can even drive it.American conservatives of an economically libertarian stripe sometimes resist this fact, preferring instead to treat consumer demand as given, and business as simply (and innocently) responding to it. But as the opioid crisis shows very vividly, making a certain kind of product (powerful and addictive painkillers) easily and cheaply available can have a huge influence on shaping the preferences of consumers, sometimes even in self-destructive ways. The history of capitalism is in part a dynamic story of the way a steadily increasing supply of new products — cars, refrigerators, iPhones — has helped to conjure new "needs," and therefore new demands, in a marketplace where they didn't previously exist.That's also a good part of what's happened in the Republican Party over the past few decades. A conglomeration of mainstream politicians, pundits, publishers, radio talk-show hosts, cable news networks and on-air personalities, websites, podcasters, and populist rabblerousers have worked to shape the assumptions and preferences of the Republican electorate. As a result, a large segment of it is now ready and eager to believe the incoming president of the United States stole the election from his opponent outright — and that the refusal of Democrats, the mainstream media, and even many Republican elected and appointed officials to intervene to reverse this rank injustice is evidence that the entire system is corrupt.That shouldn't be taken as evidence of a separate conspiracy — one in which Republican elites conspire to turn the party's voters into easily manipulated rubes for the sake of political gain. Once again, supply and demand, sellers and buyers, influence and inform one another in a feedback loop. If election-fraud conspiracy theories have widely caught on among conservatives, that's probably in part because those conservatives were already in some respects predisposed to believe them, just as Ross Douthat claims.But this predisposition isn't just something given, rooted in the innate penchant of the human mind to doubt the once-authoritative institutions of American democracy and to latch onto hyperrational, comprehensive explanations of complex phenomena without adequate evidence. Both of those tendencies need to be actively encouraged before they will be widely embraced — and for some time now, Republicans have been doing their best to make it happen.More stories from theweek.com The post-Mitch McConnell GOP is going to be a carnival of madness Georgia secretary of state: 'We have now counted legally cast ballots 3 times and the results remain unchanged' I'm rooting for pro-democracy Republicans
China's relations with the United States hit rock bottom during the Trump administration, which is set to be replaced by new leadership when President-elect Joe Biden takes office in January. Speaking to a group of business leaders from U.S. firms, Wang, who is China's state councillor and foreign minister, said both countries should respect each other's history, core interests and "the systems and paths chosen by our people" when managing differences and conflicts. "China and the U.S. can totally cooperate on areas such as managing the pandemic, economy recovery and climate change," Wang added.
Police accuse protesters of urging independence, as a harsh security law continues to be imposed.
An off-duty police officer shot and killed a 30-year-old man who refused to stop after striking a highway construction worker with his vehicle in Dallas, authorities said. The Mesquite Police Department said off-duty officers from the East Texas cities of Jefferson and Seven Points were providing construction security in Dallas early Saturday when the construction worker was hit. The suspect finally stopped “after contact was made between the suspect’s vehicle and the officer’s vehicle” in the Dallas suburb of Mesquite, according to the statement.
Takeaways * A new study reveals more than 130 regions in human DNA play a role in sculpting facial features. * The nose is the facial feature most influenced by your genes. * Understanding the link between specific genes and facial features could be useful for treating facial malformations or for orthodontics.* * *You might think it’s rather obvious that your facial appearance is determined by your genes. Just look in the family photo album and observe the same nose, eyes or chin on your grandparents, cousins and uncles and aunts. Perhaps you have seen or know someone with a genetic syndrome – that often results from a damaging alteration to one or more genes – and noticed the often distinctive facial features.You may be surprised to learn that until very recently, geneticists had virtually no understanding of which parts of our DNA were linked to even the most basic aspects of facial appearance. This gap in our knowledge was particularly galling since facial appearance plays such an important role in basic human interactions. The availability of large data sets combining genetic information with facial images that can be measured has rapidly advanced the pace of discovery.So, what do we know about the genetics of facial appearance? Can we reliably predict a person’s face from their DNA? What are the implications for health and disease? We are an anthropologist and a human geneticist whose research focuses on uncovering the biological factors that underlie the similarities and differences in facial appearance among humans. How many genes are associated with facial appearance?We still don’t have a complete answer to this question, but recent work published in Nature Genetics by our collaborative research team has identified more than 130 chromosomal regions associated with specific aspects of facial shape. Identifying these regions is a critical first step toward understanding how genetics impacts our faces and how such knowledge could impact human health in the future.We accomplished this by scanning the DNA of more than 8,000 individuals to look for statistical relationships between about seven million genetic markers – known locations in the genetic code where humans vary – and dozens of shape measurements derived from 3D facial images. When we find a statistical association between a facial feature and one or more genetic markers, this points us to a very precise region of DNA on a chromosome. The genes located around that region then become our prime candidates for facial features like nose or lip shape, especially if we have other relevant information about their function – for example, they may be active when the face is forming in the embryo. While more than 130 chromosomal regions may seem like a large number, we are likely only scratching the surface. We expect that thousands of such regions – and therefore thousands of genes – contribute to facial appearance. Many of the genes at these chromosomal regions will have such small effects, we may never have enough statistical power to detect them. What do we know about these genes?When we look collectively at the implicated genes at these 130-plus DNA regions, some interesting patterns emerged. Your nose, like it or not, is the part of your face most influenced by your genes. Perhaps not surprisingly, areas like the cheeks, which are highly influenced by lifestyle factors like diet, showed the fewest genetic associations.The ways that these genes influence facial shape was not at all uniform. Some genes, we found, had highly localized effects and impacted very specific parts of the face, while others had broad effects involving multiple parts. We also found that a large proportion of these genes are involved in basic developmental processes that build our bodies – bone formation, for example – and, in many cases, are the same genes that have been implicated in rare syndromes and facial anomalies like cleft palate. We found it interesting that there was a high degree of overlap between the genes involved in facial and limb development, which may provide an important clue as to why many genetic syndromes are characterized by both hand and facial malformations. In another curious twist, we found some evidence that the genes involved in facial shape may also be involved in cancer – an intriguing finding given emerging evidence that individuals treated for pediatric cancer show some distinctive facial features. Can someone take my DNA and construct an accurate picture of my face?It is unlikely that today, or for the foreseeable future, someone could take a sample of your DNA and use it to construct an image of your face. Predicting an individual’s facial appearance, like any complex genetic trait, is a very difficult task. To put that statement in context, the 130-plus genetic regions we identified explain less than 10% of the variation in facial shape. However, even if we understood all of the genes involved in facial appearance, prediction would still be a monstrous challenge. This is because complex traits like facial shape are not determined by simply summing up the effects of a bunch of individual genes. Facial features are influenced by many biological and non-biological factors: age, diet, climate, hormones, trauma, disease, sun exposure, biomechanical forces and surgery. All of these factors interact with our genome in complex ways that we have not even begun to understand. To add to this picture of complexity, genes interact with one another; this is known as “epistasis,” and its effects can be complex and unpredictable. It is not surprising then, that researchers attempting to predict individual facial features from DNA have been unsuccessful. This is not to say that such prediction will never be possible, but if someone is telling you they can do this today, you should be highly skeptical. How might research connecting genes and faces benefit humans?One of the most exciting developments in medicine in the 21st century is the use of patients’ genetic information to create personalized treatment plans, with the ultimate goal of improving health outcomes.[Deep knowledge, daily. Sign up for The Conversation’s newsletter.]A deeper understanding of how genes influence the timing and rate of facial growth could be an invaluable tool for planning treatments in fields like orthodontics or reconstructive surgery. For example, if someday we can use genetics to help predict when a child’s jaw will hit its peak growth potential, orthodontists may be able to use this information to help determine the optimal time to intervene for maximal effect. Likewise, knowledge of how genes work individually and in concert to determine the size and shape of facial features can provide new molecular targets for drug therapies aimed at correcting facial growth deficiencies. Lastly, greater knowledge of the genes that build human faces may offer us new insights into the root causes of congenital facial malformations, which can profoundly impact quality of life for those affected and their families.This article is republished from The Conversation, a nonprofit news site dedicated to sharing ideas from academic experts. It was written by: Seth M. Weinberg, University of Pittsburgh and John R. Shaffer, University of Pittsburgh.Read more: * Joaquin Phoenix’s lips mocked – here’s what everyone should know about cleft lip * What’s in your genome? Parents-to-be want to knowSeth M. Weinberg receives funding from the National Institutes of Health. John R. Shaffer receives funding from the University of Pittsburgh and the National Institutes of Health.
Since 2007, Senator Mitch McConnell has been the leader of the Republican caucus in the Senate and by far the most effective political strategist in his party. He was the architect of the scorched-earth opposition to everything President Obama did, which paid dividends in the form of the Republican wave in 2010 and eventually Donald Trump's victory in 2016. McConnell did all he could to hold open federal court seats during Obama's terms, which allowed Trump to stuff the district and appellate courts, and the Supreme Court, with far-right partisans.But McConnell is 78 years old, a survivor of polio, and clearly has some health problems. He does not appear to be in any immediate serious medical danger, but he also will not last forever — and there is nobody of his skill or temperament waiting to replace him. When he finally retires or dies, the Republican Party will be all crazy, all the time.Since 2009 and the rise of the Tea Party — which appears rather quaint by modern standards, but was genuinely nutty at the time — there has been a long debate about if or when the fever would break on the right. For a while after Republicans lost in 2012, I suspected there might be a conservative reform movement, but I don't think I have ever been so wildly wrong. Since then, the crazy ultra-right has become even more crazy with every passing year, and gained ever more power in the GOP.A key part of this process has been the complete irresponsibility of the dwindling number of Republican elites who have not abandoned their senses. Over and over again, they have chosen to ride the tiger of lunacy rather than tell their base unpleasant truths. John Boehner shamelessly fed the Tea Party red meat to win the 2010 elections and become Speaker of the House, only to find it near-impossible to govern because his caucus was so unruly and unwilling to make even the tiniest compromises. (He is clearly enjoying retirement a great deal more than political office.) Paul Ryan did the exact same thing in the same position. Now the Freedom Caucus is being outflanked on the Republican far right by a growing number of open QAnon conspiracy theorists.Similarly, when the "grab them by the pussy" tape came out during the 2016 campaign, a few top Republicans briefly and quietly distanced themselves from Trump, only to clam up when his poll numbers did not dive. That, of course, was only because those same elites refused to really denounce him, and because the hermetically-sealed propaganda chamber that conservatives had built over the years downplayed or ignored the story.Indeed, Trump's whole candidacy was built on exploiting the shameless lies and hysterical nonsense that Republican elites and conservative media have been telling the GOP base for years, like tax cuts pay for themselves or that Barack Obama is a secret Muslim socialist born in Kenya, and so they could not refute him. As Talking Points Memo's Josh Marshall wrote at the time, "the slow accumulation of nonsense and paranoia … built into a massive trap door under the notional GOP leadership with a lever that a canny huckster like Trump could come in and pull pretty much whenever."Yet throughout this time, McConnell has been able to maintain a certain coherence to Republican political strategy, with a laser-focus on what he cares about — namely, winning elections and installing conservative judges — always staying on message, and fading into the background at all other times. Every other Republican at the top of the party either lacks his discipline and vision, or is a shameless attention hound more concerned with building a celebrity following (and thereafter making money) than political victory.Since Trump has lost re-election, once again almost all Republican elites are either indulging his treasonous nonsense about the election being stolen, or actually believe it. As Paul Waldman writes, Trump appears to be positioning himself for another run for president in 2024, in which case most Republicans apparently think they have to appease him or lose their seats.Now, McConnell is also disliked by the crazy ultra-right, but for a different reason. He is willing to indulge conspiracy paranoia, but he too obviously doesn't much care about it himself. He is much more notably concerned about personally avoiding the coronavirus than the average Republican elected official, for instance. As Alex Pareene writes, at bottom McConnell is a nihilistic and ruthless parliamentary tactician, not a stupid loudmouth who cares more about going on television than governance; that is why he faced a primary challenge from a Tea Party dolt in 2014 (who he beat easily).So it will be bleakly interesting to see what will happen without McConnell providing some semblance of strategic direction to the party. His logical successor, Senate Majority Whip John Thune (R-S.D.) evinces little of McConnell's amoral will-to-power, nor much Trump-style charismatic bluster. The temptation for other Republicans to attack Thune, or whoever else ends up on top in the Senate, for insufficient support of future Republican presidential nominee Peter Brimelow will be strong. One amusing possibility is that voting itself will be considered the mark of RINO sellouts. A recent Twitter flame war saw Newt Gingrich and Rep. Dan Crenshaw (R-Tex.) — themselves the bleeding edge of the extreme right when they were first elected — arguing with Lin Wood and Michelle Malkin over whether Georgia Republicans should vote in the upcoming special Senate election.I wouldn't bet too much on that happening, however. Logical consistency is not a requirement for political success, and most Republicans probably tacitly still believe that voting works, even if they can't admit it to themselves — otherwise why continue to rig the process with gerrymandering and vote suppression? It's just that future Republican governments will be even more divorced from lived reality in this country than they currently are.More stories from theweek.com Georgia secretary of state: 'We have now counted legally cast ballots 3 times and the results remain unchanged' I'm rooting for pro-democracy Republicans As Trump rages, his appointees are rushing to tie Biden's hands, burnish their own careers
VATICAN CITY (Reuters) -Pope Francis will make the first visit by a pope to Iraq next March, the Vatican said on Monday, a risky four-day trip that has eluded his predecessors. Spokesman Matteo Bruni said Francis, who turns 84 next week, will visit the capital Baghdad, as well as Ur, a city linked to the Old Testament figure of Abraham, and Erbil, Mosul and Qaraqosh in the plain of Nineveh. The trip, at the invitation of the Iraqi government and the local Catholic Church, is planned for March 5-8, Bruni said.
The body of the 28-year-old man was found in a nearby wooded area after being reported missing Thursday.
To a passer-by, the fluffy, cartoonish creature on the floor could have been a cuddly toy dropped by a child on a trip to the New Forest National Park. However, to those with a knowledge of rodents, the animal which has been sighted in the park for the first time is a European dormouse which could be breeding in Britain. This year, wildlife experts have spotted the Garden Dormouse in Derbyshire and the New Forest, sparking concerns that it has been deliberately released. They are usually found in France, Spain and Italy. Unlike our native hazel dormice, this species is extremely hardy and carnivorous. While our small, honey-coloured native species prefers to feast on nuts and berries, the continental invader is predatory, eating the young of other rodents and small birds. There are fears if the species started breeding in large numbers, they could pose a threat to our native animals. Government sources say they are risk assessing the rodent, but it is not known to be rapidly breeding in the UK and is not thought to be a significant risk at this time.
The Supreme Court declined Monday to take up an appeal from parents in Oregon who want to prevent transgender students from using locker rooms and bathrooms of the gender with which they identify, rather than their sex assigned at birth. The case came from a school district near Salem, Oregon’s capital city. The federal appeals court in San Francisco had upheld a Dallas, Oregon, school district policy that allows transgender students to use bathrooms and locker rooms that align with their gender identity.
As president, Donald Trump has had a bizarre habit of comparing himself to Abraham Lincoln. But Ronald Reagan is probably the much better example for understanding Trump's rise to power and how he has governed. That's the implicit message of Showtime's four-part series, The Reagans, concluding Sunday night. Though neither Trump's name nor image appear in any of the four hour-long episodes, the series sets up clear parallels between the two men and their presidencies, a theme acknowledged by most of the major coverage of the show.On the surface, Reagan's sunny disposition and boundless optimism couldn't be a starker contrast from Trump's vision of "American carnage." But as The Reagans, directed by Matt Tyrnauer, suggests, Reagan's career path from Hollywood celebrity to Commander in Chief — his campaign slogan "Let's make America great again," his emphasis on law and order politics, his slashing of government regulations, his cozying up to the religious right, and his appeals to white racists through dog whistles about "states' rights" and "welfare queens" — all feels frighteningly familiar in the Trump era, even if Trump has never limited himself to just coded language.More than those connections between Reagan and Trump, however, the biggest takeaway from the Showtime documentary is how Reagan's drastic transformation of the GOP from a restrained party devoted to limited — but effective — government into a rabid political movement turned against the notion of government itself laid the foundation for Trump's direct assault on American democracy and his complete dereliction of duty as president. As Tyrnauer said to me on a recent call from his home in Los Angeles, "This is a story about our current political situation."In Reagan, the cult of rugged individualism overtook the Republican Party and remade American politics. Now, 40 years later amid a global pandemic, that unbridled individualism has shown its deadly dimensions in Trump and the Republicans' lack of response to COVID-19. Their dismissal of a coordinated government response in favor of encouraging Americans to decide what they think best, including whether or not to wear masks, has spelled catastrophe. And it's evident in the millions of Americans who — in refusing to wear masks, practice social distance, and momentarily deny their self-gratification — have selfishly exploited the language of "individual responsibility" as license for their own recklessness.Elected during a severe economic slump and with American morale slipping, Reagan, the son of two staunch Democrats and a former Roosevelt Democrat himself, rode to power on Americans' growing distrust of government, but he twisted that sentiment to particularly extreme ends. The Reagans shows the new president declaring in his first inaugural address in 1981, "In this present crisis, government is not the solution to our problem; government is the problem."That became the reigning ethos of the Reagan era and of the GOP ever since. In the series' most chilling moment, First Lady Nancy Reagan propounds the couple's anti-government philosophy as she icily says to a reporter: "Somebody will say, 'we have a problem,' and the immediate response is, 'well, can't government do something about that,' instead of, 'can't I do something about that?'"That's basically been the attitude of Trump and the Republicans when it comes to the coronavirus. Despite clear scientific consensus and repeated recommendations from the CDC, Trump and most Republican governors have failed to issue lockdown orders or mask mandates. Even with more than 275,000 dead Americans and numbers likely to surge over the holiday season, some Republicans are now abandoning the language of personal responsibility for something more defiant. "My body, my choice," tweeted the incoming Georgia Congresswoman and QAnon adherent, Marjorie Taylor Greene, without any trace of irony last month.In South Dakota, where coronavirus is ravaging the state, with recent test positivity rates at over 40 percent and death counts spiking, the state's Republican governor and Trump sycophant Kristi Noem still refuses to order a mask mandate. After President-elect Joe Biden, responding to those escalating numbers in South Dakota and elsewhere, tweeted this week that "help is on the way," Noem clapped back on Twitter with her own message: a gif of Ronald Reagan and his famous quote, "I'm from the government, and I'm here to help" — what he described in 1986 as "the nine most terrifying words in the English language."Invoking Reagan has long been a go-to move for GOP lawmakers, but Noem's use of his words to mock Biden while her citizens die reflects Trump's caustic influence on the party, not the Gipper's. With Republican politicians falling in line on Trump's every disastrous and deranged position, from coronavirus to fantastical election conspiracies, Reagan's cult of individual responsibility has given way to a personality cult centered on one individual.No matter that Trump has never taken responsibility for anything.More stories from theweek.com The post-Mitch McConnell GOP is going to be a carnival of madness Georgia secretary of state: 'We have now counted legally cast ballots 3 times and the results remain unchanged' I'm rooting for pro-democracy Republicans