Bob Hawke never hid the highs and lows of his life - from infidelity to family tragedy and his battle with the bottle to unleashing his raw emotion and larrikin wit - and Australians loved him for it
- The former Australian prime minister lead a colourful life over his 89 years
- He publicly cried for his daughters and after the Tiananmen Square massacre
- He was known for his witty one-liners, charisma and larger than life personality
- His wife Blanche d'Alpuget said in a statement that he died peacefully at home
- Hawke was Australia's longest running Labor Prime Minister, from 1983-1991
Australia is mourning the loss of Bob Hawke, who died surrounded by loved ones on Thursday aged 89, two days before he expected to see his party return to power.
One of the country's great prime ministers, Hawke never hid the highs and lows of his colourful life from the public - and Australians loved him for it.
The Labor legend, admired for his larrikin nature and larger than life personality, made an indelible mark on the nation's psyche.
He wept as television cameras rolled while thinking of his daughter's battle with heroin, and again as he stood alongside Chinese students at a memorial for the victims of the Tiananmen Square Massacre.
Later he would go on to publicly admit being unfaithful to his first wife Hazel, who he eventually divorced to marry his biographer, Blanche d'Alpuget.
Hawke also became known for his sense of humour and wit, and for his love of a beer, making the Guinness Book of Records for his yard glass exploits at Oxford.
And his declaration that 'any boss who sacks anyone for not turning up today is a bum' after Australia's famous 1983 America's Cup win instantly became part of the nation's folklore.
Australia is in mourning after the death of Bob Hawke, who died surrounded by loved ones two days before he expected to see his party return to power (pictured are Bob Hawke and his first wife Hazel in 1987)
One of the country's great prime ministers, Hawke never hid the highs and lows of his colourful life from the public - and Australians loved him for it (pictured are Bob Hawke and his wife Blanche d'Alpuget in 2008)
He shared raw emotion like few politicians ever do when he publicly broke down about his daughter Roslyn's drug addiction.
In 1984, Hawke nearly resigned after he revealed the sadness his family had gone through due to her heroin addiction.
Just two years earlier, Hawke's other daughter Sue Pieters-Hawke faced court over using marijuana.
The National Times published a story that Susan had a drugs conviction which had been overturned on appeal - implying corruption of the legal process due to her father's position.
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At a press conference, Hawke was asked his threats to take legal action against Opposition leader Andrew Peacock if accused of criminality outside of parliament 'made a mockery of the political system'.
Hawke replied with tears running down his face, Ms d'Alpuget wrote in The Australian in 2010, as he was thinking of Roslyn, and how to save her.
'You don't cease to be a husband. You don't cease to be a father. My children and my wife have a right to be protected in this matter,' he replied with television cameras rolling.
When asked if he was upset, Hawke answered: 'Of course I was, because like any father I love my daughter. I trust her and she was completely exonerated by the processes of the law.'
Bob Hawke's comments following Australia's win at the 1983 America's Cup were became legendary, after he declared 'any boss who sacks anyone for not turning up today is a bum.'
Despite studying at Oxford University where he completed a thesis on wage fixing, Hawke's most famous achievement at the prestigious university was his drinking ability, and even held a world record for finishing 2.5 pints of beer in just 11 seconds
Never afraid to show emotion: Hawke broke down in tears at a press conference in 1984 when asked about his daughter Susan's marijuana charges
'I had no contact with the judge or anyone involved in it and yet you have this insinuation that affects her. Of course, I'm upset.'
In the aftermath of the Tiananmen Square massacre in 1989, he cried again, this time alongside hundreds of Chinese students at a memorial service at Parliament House in Canberra.
He even offered immediate, one-year extensions to visas held by Chinese students who were too scared to go back home.
Hawke was known for his love of a beer, and once skolled a yard glass of beer in 11 seconds while a Rhodes Scholar.
His heavy drinking helped his larrikin image, but Hazel's memoirs made it clear his relationship with the bottle was obsessive and destructive.
Bob Hawke's wife Blanche d'Alpuget said in a statement on Thursday that the former Prime Minister died peacefully at home
She said that while she was struggling at home to bring up three children, he was out drinking or womanising, and she even contemplated divorce.
But he gave up drinking while at the ACTU in 1980, and after becoming prime minister boasted that he 'didn't touch a drop' while in the top job.
'I just said to myself, "If you're going to become prime minister of this country you can't afford ever to be in a position where you can make a fool of yourself or of your country", and I never had a drop for the whole period I was in parliament,' he said.
After leaving politics he took up drinking again, and would indulge fans at the cricket by skolling beers on demand.
In 1989, Hawke admitted in a television interview that he had been unfaithful to Hazel.
'Today we lost Bob Hawke, a great Australian – many would say the greatest Australian of the post-war era,' his wife Blanche d'Alpuget said in a statement. Pictured: their wedding in 1995
When asked about claims of being a 'womaniser,' and what the allegations meant, he replied with 'they mean that I wasn't faithful to my wife.'
When asked if that was true, he said that it was, and added Hazel 'understood it was part of a pretty exuberant, volatile character,' the ABC reported.
After 33 years of marriage, Hawke and Hazel divorced in 1995, and in the same year he went on to marry Ms d'Alpuget.
Even though the former prime minister faced his fair share of struggles, he never lost sight of what made him so loved by Australians in the first place - his charismatic, larger than life personalty.
One unforgettable incident saw him hit with a cricket ball at Canberra's Kingston Oval on the weekend the 1984 election was announced.
The ball smashed into his own spectacles, pushing glass into his eye and nearly rendering him blind.
After falling to the ground in agony, Hawke was taken to hospital where surgeons removed glass from his eye.
'I was an emotional mess and my eye was driving me mad throughout the campaign. I found it almost impossible to concentrate,' Hawke said at the time.
In 2011, while speaking with reporters about the environment alongside then-Prime Minister Julia Gillard, Hawke affectionately poked fun at Tony Abbot.
'I don't mind Tony personally, he's not a bad bloke, but I said during the campaign (that) he's as mad as a cut snake,' the former Prime Minister quipped.
He introduced Medicare in 1984, which became the country's first affordable and universal health insurance. Pictured with Prince Charles and Princess Diana
Bob Hawke led Labor to four election wins in a row between 1983 and 1991. Pictured with his first wife Hazel, and the Prince and Princess of Wales
One of Hawke's best one liners came in 1983 after Australia winning the America's Cup.
In the euphoria of Australia's America's Cup triumph, Hawke, champagne-soaked and donning a loud flag jacket, famously declared 'any boss who sacks anyone for not turning up today is a bum.'
'One of my happiest memories in politics was my very last day. And one member of the opposition said, 'You were a prime minister for all Australians.' And that certainly warmed the cockles of my heart,' Hawke told the ABC in 2014.
Hawke's political success was due in part to his managerial skills and the ability to win the affection of the Australian people.
As prime minister he oversaw the creation of Medicare, a new version of Whitlam's Medibank that the Fraser government had undone, in February 1984.
Bob Hawke is pictured shaking hands with Nelson Mandela in October 1990
Medicare, which is still functioning today, became Australia's first affordable and universal system of health insurance.
In 1983, Hawke's newly elected government floated the Australian dollar on the global currency market.
Before the change, the Australian dollar's value was based on other countries, first Britain and then America.
Not only did Hawke do great things for the Australian economy, he was a voice for women.
Hawke's government introduced the Sex Discrimination Act 1984 which protects women from discrimination.
The historic law prohibits discrimination based on sex, marital status, being pregnant or potential to become pregnant.
One of Bob Hawke's most unforgettable moments is when he was hit with a cricket ball at Canberra's Kingston Oval on the weekend the 1984 election was announced - leaving him in hospital with his spectacles lodged in his eye ball
'One of my happiest memories in politics was my very last day. And one member of the opposition said, 'You were a prime minister for all Australians.' And that certainly warmed the cockles of my heart'- Bob Hawke, 1929 - 2019
The legislation also makes it unlawful to dismiss someone from employment due to family responsibilities and criminalises sexual harassment.
He even gave Australia a new national anthem - which is still sung to this day.
The anthem was adopted in 1984 by the governor-general at Hawke's request.
When the Whitlam government was dismissed, God Save The Queen was reinstated by the Fraser government. Whitlam had pushed for Advance Australia Fair.
On Thursday Ms d'Alpuget announced his passing by saying: 'Today we lost Bob Hawke, a great Australian – many would say the greatest Australian of the post-war era.'
Few would dispute that claim.
BOB HAWKE: LABOR'S GREATEST WINNER
Robert James Lee Hawke, died on Thursday May 16, aged 89
Bob Hawke, one of Australia's greatest prime ministers, combined a potent mixture of political and personal qualities.
Labor's most successful federal leader, who presided over the modernisation of Australia's economy, was a larrikin with a narcissistic streak and little overarching ideology.
He was a man of shifting factional allegiances who could still give and command great personal loyalty; a pragmatist with a sense of destiny; passionate yet calculating.
His success in four elections and through nearly nine years in The Lodge depended largely on two strengths rarely seen in combination - a peerless ability to win the affection of the people and great managerial and negotiating skills.
He had two careers with the first, in the ACTU, providing the platform for the second in parliamentary politics. He was unique in having led Labor's industrial, organisational and political wings.
Yet despite his unmatched electoral record, he was dumped undefeated by a party that usually allowed its leaders a couple of losses.
Robert James Lee Hawke, who died on Thursday, aged 89, was born on December 9, 1929 in Bordertown, South Australia.
His father Clem, a Congregational minister, had been an ALP member and uncle Bert was to be a Labor premier of Western Australia. The family's faith was in the puritan tradition. Mother Ellie hated the sin of not fully using one's talents.
Blanche d'Alpuget, later his second wife, recounted in her mid-career biography of Hawke that when Ellie was pregnant with her second son, her Bible kept falling open at the verse in Isaiah: 'For unto us a child is born, unto us a child is given; and the government shall be upon his shoulder.'
Ellie said he was called Robert because it would sound good when he became Sir Robert.
An active member of the Women's Christian Temperance Union, Ellie pledged the future compulsive drinker to a life of abstinence.
In 1939 after elder brother Neil died of meningitis, all his parents' love and aspirations were turned on their remaining child, and the family moved to Perth.
Hawke matriculated from Perth Modern School, the government school that was the springboard for so many bright kids, and started law at the University of Western Australia.
Cricket, the church and Labor politics were his main interests. Some contemporaries thought he was brash. He'd already started talking about himself as a prime minister.
Then he almost killed himself in a motorbike accident.
According to d'Alpuget, the family was convinced that God, by sparing him, had given a sign. And Hawke himself now believed that he was an instrument chosen by the Lord.
The self-belief remained, but not its theological underpinnings.
Legends were already building about his drinking - although he tried to hide it from his mother - his successes with girls, and his politicking.
According to one possibly apocryphal story, when he wasn't selected for the first grade cricket team, he stacked a meeting, had the selectors sacked and installed new ones who picked him.
A visit to India, where he was appalled by the poverty, ended his belief in God.
By then he was engaged to Hazel Masterton. The engagement was to last five years and survive a major crisis.
As Hazel revealed in her memoir, she became pregnant. But he had applied for a Rhodes scholarship, which was then open only to single men. After guilt-filled agonising, she had an abortion.
Hawke won his scholarship and left for Oxford, with Hazel following. The next two years were the most carefree of their lives - though chiefly remembered for his making the Guinness Book of Records for downing two and a half pints of beer in 12 seconds.
At Oxford he did a research degree on Australia's arbitration system, an unusual choice.
Neal Blewett, another Rhodes Scholar who became a minister in the Hawke governments, said this meant the dreaming spires left little imprint on him, intellectually or culturally. But it was typical of a man who believed learning was for practical purposes.
In 1958, having returned to Australia and finally married Hazel, Hawke joined the ACTU as a research officer.
Starting with the 1959 basic wage hearing, he built up a formidable reputation as an advocate, often leaving employer representatives and the bench behind with his grasp of economics.
He overcame union prejudices against his university education and developed a formidable labour movement network, partly through drinking sessions.
Tales of his heroic drinking helped his larrikin image. But Hazel's memoirs make it clear that it was obsessive and destructive. While she was struggling at home to bring up three children and wrestling with the grief of losing a fourth baby, he was out drinking or womanising. She contemplated divorce.
In 1969 Hawke, after forging a temporary alliance with the left, won the ACTU presidency.
He used this position to become Australia's best known politician outside parliament.
Hawke gradually shifted to the right, his natural place on the Labor spectrum.
His negotiating skills were formidable, though critics claimed he would wait until an agreement was close, then parachute in to finalise it and claim the credit.
He developed important contacts with the big end of town, partly through membership of the Reserve Bank board and a major economic inquiry.
The contacts extended overseas, particularly through the International Labour Organisation and in the United States and Israel, to which he had an emotional attachment.
His platform widened in 1973 when he also became ALP president.
From the twin peaks of the party and the union movement, he watched the Whitlam government unravel. Hawke learnt from its excesses and determined not to repeat them when his time came.
In 1980, having finally stopped drinking, he entered federal parliament and went straight to opposition leader Bill Hayden's front bench.
Hawke, convinced that only he could beat Malcolm Fraser, targeted Hayden from the start. His great allies were the polls, which showed he was prefered to both Hayden and Fraser, and the unions.
Hayden called a leadership vote in July 1982 and won by five votes. It was not enough, especially after a disappointing by-election result.
In the new year Hayden was persuaded by old allies to abdicate. At the same time Fraser - believing he could beat Hayden but not Hawke - called an election. It was a pre-emptive strike that failed by hours.
The dour Fraser, troubled by high unemployment and inflation, was no match for a confident Hawke who behaved as if he was already prime minister.
On March 5, with a swing of almost four per cent, Hawke was swept to power with a 25 seat majority.
Electorally, that would be his high point. Next year, in beating Andrew Peacock, the majority was cut. This was Hawke at his lowest, largely because of daughter Ros's drug problems.
In 1987, benefiting from Joh Bjelke-Petersen's destructive Canberra campaign, he beat John Howard despite being outpolled by the Coalition on the primary vote. In his fourth victory, against the recycled Peacock in 1990, he didn't even win a majority of the two-party prefered vote.
He owed that win partly to the Howard-Peacock rivalry and partly to a Green preference strategy in marginal seats.
From the start of his prime ministership, the essence of Hawke's inclusive leadership style was clear.
There was no public service bloodbath. Nor was there the obsessive interference with ministers that marked the Fraser years. He claimed, with some justice, that he had the most talented team of ministers in Australia's history and, generally, he let them get on with it.
Hawke reduced the size of cabinet, over which he presided with skill and courtesy - a chairman rather than a despot. However, cabinet often was effectively subordinate to its key committee, the Expenditure Review Committee.
He imposed cabinet solidarity, which reduced the opportunity for caucus revolts. So, too, did the the high degree of factional discipline which he developed with the help of trusted right, left and centre left leaders.
His style was corporatist and he was not a great parliamentarian. The unsurpassed deal-maker was not at home in parliament's fiercely adversarial atmosphere.
He preferred to work through big interest groups - the ACTU, the major employer and industry organisations, the peak farm, ethnic, indigenous and conservation lobbies.
The transformation of Australia's economic life dominated his governments.
Dealing with industries featherbedded by tariffs, the distortions of subsidies, inefficient public enterprises, the dead hand of financial regulation and rigid labour markets as the unforgiving new demands of globalisation emerged was particularly difficult for a Labor government.
Blewett believed Hawke was the ideal leader for the times. He was a supreme optimist, convinced of his ability to negotiate through the most intractable problem; and a complete pragmatist, unburdened by ideology.
It became fashionable, to Hawke's irritation, to speak of the Hawke-Keating government.
Paul Keating, his Treasurer, rival and successor, was the second most important figure.
During their years of productive, if rarely personally close, partnership they were complementary. Hawke could deal with the interest groups, internal Labor sensitivities and appeal to the people; Keating appealed to the financial elites and, with the feline savagery of his rhetoric, could dominate parliament.
But at the start it was Hawke who better understood the economic needs and it was he, with old ACTU mate and Employment Minister Ralph Willis, who negotiated the original accord, the trade-off with the unions that ensured wage restraint.
The floating of the dollar - and for many years afterwards Hawke and Keating sniped over who should get most credit - ushered in a host of financial deregulations.
The tax system was overhauled, with the base broadened and the rates cut. Privatisation started, despite deep misgivings within the party. Tariffs were slashed, with special industry plans for the most vulnerable industries. Free tertiary education was ended. The first steps in enterprise bargaining were taken.
This destruction of Labor sacred cows was achieved without fracturing the party. It's doubtful if Keating could have done that.
Hawke's other great interest was foreign affairs.
With first Hayden - before, in Hawke's final act of atonement, he became governor-general - and then Gareth Evans as foreign minister, Australia was an initiator beyond its shores.
The most important was APEC, very much Hawke's personal project. The most worthy was bringing peace to the killing fields of Cambodia.
Hawke made Australia an active player in world disarmament forums and, through the Cairns group, an influential advocate for free farm trade during the protracted Uruguay round of world trade negotiations.
The ending of mining and oil drilling in Antarctica was a personal initiative.
He was quick, despite misgivings in the party, to commit Australia to the first Gulf war.
He initially delighted environmentalists by blocking the Franklin dam in Tasmania and was usually ahead of the coalition on matters green, especially during the years Graham Richardson was environment minister. And he established Medicare, a new version of Whitlam's Medibank that Fraser had undone.
Sometimes he over-reached. His promises to end child poverty and to negotiate an Aboriginal treaty came back to mock him.
Through it all, until the sad, dying days of his last government, Hawke was, to the public, good old Hawkie, the leader with the common touch, if often wreathed in cigar smoke or, occasionally, tears.
No-one else could turn a shopping mall walk into a triumphal progress, as he greeted shoppers in his distinctive voice; even when he snarled at a 'silly old bugger' in a Whyalla supermarket.
He could toss off a tip for the races, which sometimes won; or barge into a game of carpet bowls and roll down a good one.
His love of sport and delight in Australian victories were impossible to counterfeit.
In the euphoria of Australia's America's Cup triumph, Hawke, champagne-soaked and flag-jacketed, declared 'any boss who sacks anyone for not turning up today is a bum.'
That was 1983, with it all in front of him. By the end of the decade it was going wrong.
In late 1988 he and Keating, each with a trusted witness, signed the secret Kirribilli House pact in which Hawke promised to hand over to his increasingly impatient treasurer after the 1990 election.
He reneged, ostensibly because of Keating's December 1990 'Placido Domingo' speech in which he implied that only he was a true leader. Hawke also believed he was the more likely to win in 1993.
Keating brought matters to a head in June 1991, revealing the Kirribilli pact - in truth, a deal which displayed the arrogance of both - and launching a challenge.
It failed by 22 votes and Keating retired to the backbench while his supporters nibbled away at Hawke's declining support and confidence.
Neither John Kerin, the new treasurer, nor Brian Howe, the new deputy PM, performed well.
Worse, Hawke seemed unable to combat a reunited opposition under John Hewson and his economic plan Fightback! Worst of all, the polls said the people were deserting him.
In December, Keating challenged again and this time won by 56 votes to 52. Labor, for the first time, had voted out a serving prime minister.
After leaving parliament, he and Hazel - who'd been a major political asset - divorced.
He married d'Alpuget and, soon after, Hazel began her long battle with Alzheimer's disease which ended with her death in 2013.
Hawke remained active as a business consultant, company director, visiting professor - and lead singer at party functions. His 'Solidarity Forever' was much admired.
He wrote his memoirs and co-authored a major report on the ALP.
His political instincts were still acute - he lobbied unsuccessfully against Mark Latham during the 2003 Labor leadership battle and campaigned vigorously in the 2007 election that finally brought Labor back to power.
And his place in the Labor pantheon was formally acknowledged in 2009 when he became only the third person to be awarded national life membership of the party.
Source: Australian Associated Press
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