Changing OPTics of caste politics in Gujarat
representative picture
It is not competitive politics. It is caste arithmetic that is the main criteria for candidate selection. OPT (OBCs, Patels and Tribals) form the basis of contemporary Gujarat politics. This is the first time OPT has come up in Lok Sabha election because in the last general election in 2014, Gujarat neither had an Alpesh Thakor (O for OBC) or Hardik Patel (P for Patidar ). Tribals (T) have always been important in Gujarat but the Bharatiya Tribal Party (BTP) was formed only in 2017 and it is a party to watch out for nationally, too.
The last caste-based survey in Gujarat was officially conducted in 1931 and a lot of water has flown down the Sabarmati since then. In the contemporary context, caste composition in Gujarat has altered OBCs’ clout. Ex-Congress CM Madhavsinh Solanki began the OBC revolution. But when he started in the 80s, there were less than 30 communities under the segment.
As of today, 146 castes, including Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s Ghanchi community falls under OBC category. Less than 25 years ago, Modi’s caste denoted those upper class segments who were oil millers and dealt with groceries (kirana). So PMNarendra Modi was an upper caste businessman (Ghanchi Modh Vanik) of the Bania league. In Gujarat, Ghanchis could be both Hindus and Muslims. PM Modi is an OBC since 1994.
OBCs are today Gujarat’s most politically influential caste. Reservations ensured that OBCs and Dalits ended the monopoly of Brahmins in government services at all levels. Chief Minister Madhavsinh Solanki, an OBC himself, introduced OBC reservation in Gujarat in the early 80s. What started with 22 communities under OBC ambit has grown astronomically.
Though Narendra Modi is said to believe in competitive politics and not caste politics, his caste arithmetic has worked wonders in Gujarat. Today there are 146 castes under the OBC. Among all castes in Gujarat, the OBC political consciousness is the highest. What a renowned political scientist called the silent revolution of Gujarat, the OBC story is of political clout and high-caste consciousness.
In 1999 Lok Sabha election, the BJP gave 18.8% of its tickets to OBC candidates. In 2019, it has given 30.76% of its tickets to OBC. Ditto with the Congress. BJP cabinet minister and OBC leader Kunvarji Bavalia is of the opinion that whichever party the OBCs lean on, grabs the power. He, however, feels that OBCs have yet not got what they deserve as compared to their population in Gujarat.
“In the past also OBC leaders were conscious about the weight of their community which resulted in 27% reservation for them. EvenChimanbhai Patel , who was a Patidar, understood the importance of OBCs if he wanted to be in power. Over a period, Congress ignored OBCs and it cost them power. Of late, BJP has also felt that if they want to be in power they should give importance to OBCs.”
He added that in the past couple of years, Patidar agitation also made OBC important to the BJP. “On the other hand, Congress ignored OBCs. I would say OBCs are yet to get much representation as compared to their population in the state. BJP should also give more importance to OBCs without disturbing other communities. The days are not far when any party will take the OBCs along with them if they want to come to power.” Bavalia claims OBCs constitute 52% of Gujarat’s vote bank.
P for Patels
Reservations to OBC is what irked the Patels. Though the Patel population in Gujarat is less than half of the OBC population in Gujarat, they are richer and have had an extraordinary influence on Gujarat politics. The Patels who cherish their caste man Sardar Patel as their guiding force have always had more money.
But OBC reservations by Madhavsinh Solanki saw them drifting away from the Congress in 80s. As a rich Patel told me, “I have an Audi. I have land worth Rs 12 crore but I feel terribly humiliated when an OBC deputy collector summons me to sign my land records or an OBC police sub-inspector stops me and asks for my driving licence. The OBCs have started dominating us because they got reservations and we did not.” This was the foundation of Hardik Patel’s fight for reservations.
The BJP allocated 22.72% of its tickets to Patels in ’99 which came down to 15.58% in 2014. Hardik Patel was born in politics after that. Now in 2019, BJP has allocated 23.07 % of its tickets to Patels. This means, compared to its political size of 12%, Patels are getting a much bigger deal than the 43% OBC population. After realising that KHAM had largely damaged the Congress and driven Patels away from it, Congress allocated 31.38% of its tickets to Patels.
Still, they lost. So they reduced it to 19.2% in 2014. The Patel agitation has compelled Congress too to give out 30.76% of its tickets to the Patidars. Patidar leader Hardik Patel who recently joined the Congress believes BJP gave tickets to Patidars this time only after Congress initiated it.
Patel told Mirror: “After OBCs, Patidars constitute highest number of voters in the state. The BJP does not practice what it preaches. They were compelled to give tickets to six Patidars after Congress gave away eight. In the last LS election, BJP gave only four tickets. This shows that importance of Patidars has increased post agitation. They gave more tickets out of compulsion.”
He added, “If Vijay Rupani and youth leader Rutvij Patel says Hardik Patel should fight the election, why does their government oppose me in court? This government is anti-Patidar but they are giving them importance out of fear. This is evident from the case of Ahmedabad (East) seat on which BJP has declared Hasmukh Patel, a Patidar native from North Gujarat.”
T for Tribals
Tribals traditionally were with Congress. In 1999, Congress gave out nearly 23% of its tickets to tribals. The BJP had been doing sustained welfare work for the tribals besides scientifically inculcating Hindutva. This paid off well to the BJP. While the Congress used to give more weightage to tribals than OBCs in the past, it started working on tribal seats in a concentrated manner. From 18% seats to tribals in 1999, the BJP has increased its share to 19.33% in this election.
The Congress on other hand has decreased the share for tribals. From nearly 23% in ’99, the Congress has come down to 19.23%. This shows how BJP has been consolidating this vote bank. Add the BTP, the strongest tribal political entity, and we realise the significance of tribal votes.
Chhotu Vasava, the undisputed tribal political leader, also known as Robinhood is anti-BJP but the Congress has successively failed in striking an alliance with him. In the last Rajasthan election, where it made its outside-Gujarat debut, it walked away comfortably with two Assembly seats, cutting into Congress votes. Gujarat has 182 assembly seats out of which 37 are tribal dominated. Gujarat traditionally has been a two-party state and even in the current election it is only BTP that is posing a triangular fight, especially in South Gujarat.
The BTP headquartered in Gujarat has ambitious national plans with a focus on Chhattisgarh and Rajasthan this time. Asked about the influence of tribals on 37 seats, tribal leader and Bharatiya Tribal Party (BTP) MLA from Jhagadiya, Chhotu Vasava told Mirror: “Tribals have been used by all political parties over the years like Britishers exploited them before independence.
They talk about development of the tribals but if real development has taken place, why should a tribal go to the cities to find the work? Narendra Modi must be ashamed as tribals who are the Mulnivasi (natives of the earth) are compelled to become labourers. These labourers are none but those displaced by various projects.
Actually, they are not labourers but owners of the land and the country.” Vasava, who has been serving his seventh-term as an MLA, alleged that no tribal sub-plans are implemented in the state. “If they are serious about development, they should implement constitutional provisions for the tribals. None is interested in doing that. Even when Statue of Unity project was implemented, no permission from the gram sabha or NGT was taken. We do not have potable water but the water collected on our land is served to the industrialists,” he said. It would also be interesting to note how OPT took over KHAM and why.
The last caste-based survey in Gujarat was officially conducted in 1931 and a lot of water has flown down the Sabarmati since then. In the contemporary context, caste composition in Gujarat has altered OBCs’ clout. Ex-Congress CM Madhavsinh Solanki began the OBC revolution. But when he started in the 80s, there were less than 30 communities under the segment.
As of today, 146 castes, including Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s Ghanchi community falls under OBC category. Less than 25 years ago, Modi’s caste denoted those upper class segments who were oil millers and dealt with groceries (kirana). So PM
O for Other Backward Classes
OBCs are today Gujarat’s most politically influential caste. Reservations ensured that OBCs and Dalits ended the monopoly of Brahmins in government services at all levels. Chief Minister Madhavsinh Solanki, an OBC himself, introduced OBC reservation in Gujarat in the early 80s. What started with 22 communities under OBC ambit has grown astronomically.
Though Narendra Modi is said to believe in competitive politics and not caste politics, his caste arithmetic has worked wonders in Gujarat. Today there are 146 castes under the OBC. Among all castes in Gujarat, the OBC political consciousness is the highest. What a renowned political scientist called the silent revolution of Gujarat, the OBC story is of political clout and high-caste consciousness.
In 1999 Lok Sabha election, the BJP gave 18.8% of its tickets to OBC candidates. In 2019, it has given 30.76% of its tickets to OBC. Ditto with the Congress. BJP cabinet minister and OBC leader Kunvarji Bavalia is of the opinion that whichever party the OBCs lean on, grabs the power. He, however, feels that OBCs have yet not got what they deserve as compared to their population in Gujarat.
“In the past also OBC leaders were conscious about the weight of their community which resulted in 27% reservation for them. Even
He added that in the past couple of years, Patidar agitation also made OBC important to the BJP. “On the other hand, Congress ignored OBCs. I would say OBCs are yet to get much representation as compared to their population in the state. BJP should also give more importance to OBCs without disturbing other communities. The days are not far when any party will take the OBCs along with them if they want to come to power.” Bavalia claims OBCs constitute 52% of Gujarat’s vote bank.
P for Patels
Reservations to OBC is what irked the Patels. Though the Patel population in Gujarat is less than half of the OBC population in Gujarat, they are richer and have had an extraordinary influence on Gujarat politics. The Patels who cherish their caste man Sardar Patel as their guiding force have always had more money.
But OBC reservations by Madhavsinh Solanki saw them drifting away from the Congress in 80s. As a rich Patel told me, “I have an Audi. I have land worth Rs 12 crore but I feel terribly humiliated when an OBC deputy collector summons me to sign my land records or an OBC police sub-inspector stops me and asks for my driving licence. The OBCs have started dominating us because they got reservations and we did not.” This was the foundation of Hardik Patel’s fight for reservations.
The BJP allocated 22.72% of its tickets to Patels in ’99 which came down to 15.58% in 2014. Hardik Patel was born in politics after that. Now in 2019, BJP has allocated 23.07 % of its tickets to Patels. This means, compared to its political size of 12%, Patels are getting a much bigger deal than the 43% OBC population. After realising that KHAM had largely damaged the Congress and driven Patels away from it, Congress allocated 31.38% of its tickets to Patels.
Still, they lost. So they reduced it to 19.2% in 2014. The Patel agitation has compelled Congress too to give out 30.76% of its tickets to the Patidars. Patidar leader Hardik Patel who recently joined the Congress believes BJP gave tickets to Patidars this time only after Congress initiated it.
Patel told Mirror: “After OBCs, Patidars constitute highest number of voters in the state. The BJP does not practice what it preaches. They were compelled to give tickets to six Patidars after Congress gave away eight. In the last LS election, BJP gave only four tickets. This shows that importance of Patidars has increased post agitation. They gave more tickets out of compulsion.”
He added, “If Vijay Rupani and youth leader Rutvij Patel says Hardik Patel should fight the election, why does their government oppose me in court? This government is anti-Patidar but they are giving them importance out of fear. This is evident from the case of Ahmedabad (East) seat on which BJP has declared Hasmukh Patel, a Patidar native from North Gujarat.”
T for Tribals
Tribals traditionally were with Congress. In 1999, Congress gave out nearly 23% of its tickets to tribals. The BJP had been doing sustained welfare work for the tribals besides scientifically inculcating Hindutva. This paid off well to the BJP. While the Congress used to give more weightage to tribals than OBCs in the past, it started working on tribal seats in a concentrated manner. From 18% seats to tribals in 1999, the BJP has increased its share to 19.33% in this election.
The Congress on other hand has decreased the share for tribals. From nearly 23% in ’99, the Congress has come down to 19.23%. This shows how BJP has been consolidating this vote bank. Add the BTP, the strongest tribal political entity, and we realise the significance of tribal votes.
Chhotu Vasava, the undisputed tribal political leader, also known as Robinhood is anti-BJP but the Congress has successively failed in striking an alliance with him. In the last Rajasthan election, where it made its outside-Gujarat debut, it walked away comfortably with two Assembly seats, cutting into Congress votes. Gujarat has 182 assembly seats out of which 37 are tribal dominated. Gujarat traditionally has been a two-party state and even in the current election it is only BTP that is posing a triangular fight, especially in South Gujarat.
The BTP headquartered in Gujarat has ambitious national plans with a focus on Chhattisgarh and Rajasthan this time. Asked about the influence of tribals on 37 seats, tribal leader and Bharatiya Tribal Party (BTP) MLA from Jhagadiya, Chhotu Vasava told Mirror: “Tribals have been used by all political parties over the years like Britishers exploited them before independence.
They talk about development of the tribals but if real development has taken place, why should a tribal go to the cities to find the work? Narendra Modi must be ashamed as tribals who are the Mulnivasi (natives of the earth) are compelled to become labourers. These labourers are none but those displaced by various projects.
Actually, they are not labourers but owners of the land and the country.” Vasava, who has been serving his seventh-term as an MLA, alleged that no tribal sub-plans are implemented in the state. “If they are serious about development, they should implement constitutional provisions for the tribals. None is interested in doing that. Even when Statue of Unity project was implemented, no permission from the gram sabha or NGT was taken. We do not have potable water but the water collected on our land is served to the industrialists,” he said. It would also be interesting to note how OPT took over KHAM and why.
BJP was compelled to field six Patidars after Cong gave away eight. In 2014 polls, BJP gave only four tickets.
Tribals have been used by all political parties over the years like Britishers exploited them before independence.
Of late, BJP has also felt that if they want to be in power they should give importance to OBCs.
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