The 2019 Lok Sabha election is no less than a matter of survival for the Rashtriya Lok Dal, which is contesting in alliance with the Bahujan Samaj Party and the Samajwadi Party. While the party has zero MLAs and MPs today, it still has a support base in West U.P. especially among the agrarian communities like Jats and will play a key role in determining the performance of the BJP in this sugar-cane belt of Uttar Pradesh. RLD vice-president Jayant Chaudhary, who orchestrated the Kairana by-poll win last year, speaks about how important the polls are for the party, how a new social coalition is challenging the BJP’s narrative and other burning issues like Balakot, reservations and BJP’s OBC outreach. He is himself contesting from Baghpat, once held by his grandfather, former Prime Minister Chaudhary Charan Singh, and his father Ajit Singh, who lost in 2014. He spoke to The Hindu during his hectic campaign in Baghpat. Excerpts:
You are finally stepping into your grandfather’s boots...
Rather big boots..
Yes, so, how do you see this immediate electoral challenge?
You can’t link the election to a legacy. Legacy is about identity. And I think that carries on irrespective of the results. I mean, today RLD’s political significance has waned drastically but it still has significance in terms of the issues. And that’s the real legacy I feel we need to carry forward. There is a big gap in policy perspectives today... what Chaudhary Sahab wanted for rural India.
How important is this election in terms of the revival of the RLD?
That’s what I’m saying, electoral results can differ. I feel there is a need at the national level to have some sort of a pressure group to work on the issues that Chaudhary Sahab took up. And there is a role for the RLD and there are other parties also in the political matrix today that understand that first and foremost the farmer deserves respect. If we look at just this election, I feel the that the rural distress that is quite visible, that people have felt acutely for the last 4-5 years, has led to large scale disenchantment. So this whole propaganda and personality cult and hype around the supreme leader, will not be as effective as it was in 2014. It’s not a wave election, so real issues will matter, like state of the economy and rural economy, the jobless growth syndrome. Farm wages have dipped, even now the outlook is so bleak that most people are now if you do a poll, — there are surveys being undertaken — they are not seeing their incomes rising for this year or next year. People are perceiving there’s now going to be a dip that’s going to continue for sometime. There is a lack of confidence. These are the prime issues we are going to go and take to the voters. At some level, we will provide an alternative to what’s happened over the five years.
The BJP is projecting that it has changed the narrative after Pulwama and Balakot. Do you feel it will impact the voting patterns?
Strident nationalism can have short-lived appeal. It can also divert our mind for some time. But after Pulwama and the airstrikes, there’s been some time, some settling down, and people are now beginning to question the government’s policy even on matters of national security. They are aware that even the jawans are not happy. Even a simple thing like One Rank One Pension, which was a big promise, has not really been fulfilled. Then the para forces are asking for rights. So one one hand, the jawan is not happy and also you are seeing increased tension, more incidents happening.
It was clearly a security failure that Pulwama happened in the first place. So people are starting to ask those questions. They are saying whatever you do to Pakistan is ok, you have to address the issue, but it is our failing if you are letting the jawans die. There is a real cost to every life for those families who get affected. People have started to ask the questions and that’s the message we will drive home also.
What kind of a social math do you have in your favour this time, especially since SP and BSP are with you?
It’s a great opportunity for us to build social cohesion. When people vote together, they start thinking together, they start working together. So whatever disharmony exists today in the villages, whether is it on communal lines or ideas around caste identities, I think everything is now fluid. Therefore, whatever traditional vote banks that our parties have worked to build up, they are seamlessly working together. And when they vote together in the next election, that’s the positive thing that’s coming out of this political math.
That is good for India. That’s the message we are taking to the country, that India is diverse, one supreme leader can’t fit all situations. It’s not what we need. There is diversity and a number of leaders need to work together on issues. And just like our alliance is able to work together, that’s the formula we need to build up, whereas the BJP has a completely negative campaign, they are talking about building of fear, hype and about Pakistan really more than India in the entire campaign.
Do you feel any affect of the Muzaffarnagar riots still exist? The Jats and Muslims were polarized in the last election.
In real terms, no. A big level of normalcy has returned to people’s lives. And the lack of faith and confidence in each other, which had dissipated very fast, generations of relations were forgotten in two-three hours of anger. I think now there are some green shoots that have come up. And again it’s come out because of political equations improving. When people voted together in Kairana, immediately they calmed down. So that’s why when an incident like Bulandshahr happened, a lot of us were fearful it could have had adverse impact throughout the region. People could have gone home and said, ‘Dekho, they are trying to attacks us.’ I mean, it could have led to follow on incidents, which it did not.
So you feel there is a sense of calm in the area and a repeat won’t happen?
Repeat won’t happen and also the BJP keeps talking about riots and Kairana exodus, and those sort of same negative issues. It’s not going to yield any political benefit. It’s going to work against them.
Are you happy with the support of the SP BSP? Their cadre and leadership.
I’m quite pleased. I had a very constructive meeting with Mayawatiji. And she spoke at length about the need to work together and to transfer those people who have allegiance to our organization in favour of our alliance partners. In front of me she had conversations with her people in Mathura, where she gave them some directions. I’m quite happy. At the top level, there is comfort with each other. There are no ego clashes. It’s quite remarkable how we were able to strike such an arrangement, quite a complex feat to have three parties able to hammer out a seat arrangement. It’s unprecedented. That’s happened quite smoothly and even now, our workers, without us having had to formally send out messages, they have already started doing informal meetings together. Every district in U.P. has had meetings where BSP, SP and our leaders have come together on one platform.
Is this also an election where you need to revive the faith of the Jats in your leadership? You have the support of the alliance this time.
It is an opportunity for us to build on our past successes and our identity. Re-build in some measure and to re-brand ourselves. Because now we are working with people we have not worked with before perhaps, so we have an opportunity and a platform to tell them what we are about. Our circle of influence in that respect is growing. We might be contesting only three seats but every seat is important. When we are working in this equation in different social segments, that are demographically important, we have a unique opportunity to build faith in these people.
But will your votes transfer to the SP and BSP?
I think they will. Our people are politically very aware. They are seeing what’s happening. They are very angry with the BJP. And traditionally our vote base is farmers, and when we talk about rural distress, the farmer vote is going to get very important in this election. Their vote will be against BJP but also for us. It will also be a positive vote for the alliance because it believes that now they can win. Once our voter thinks that RLD is in the big frame of things and is going to be able to get its policies implemented, they will vote for us. Whether it’s our symbol or that of SP or BSP, doesn’t matter. People have realized that Rashtriya Lok Dal is part of an important political matrix and the most important political alliance in the country. Therefore, there is a belief that whatever issues we have stood for, in the last many years, that is going to be the part of the political mainstream thought going forward. That sense of confidence will help us transfer our votes.
Is there a dissatisfaction over the seats allotted to you? Three could have been four or five?
Of course, it could have been. We could have always asked for more. But like I said you take one step at a time.
There is a section of the electorate, especially the non-Yadav OBCs, who don't really seem too enthused by this alliance. And the BJP claims it has a strong hold over them.
The BJP is very clever. They are the most casteist party and they brand us as caste parties. They will try their best to brand the Samajwadi Party as a Yadav party, we are always Jats and Mayawati is the leader of one caste. That’s a part of their political propaganda and strategy. If we look at what the government has done, who is suffering the most, it’s the most poorer sections of our country. Dalits have faced a lot of atrocities. They face a government that has been using the courts when it wants very conveniently to target the Dalits. In the universities our educated people are not getting enough opportunities because of this bias, whether it’s the UGC, the government or the courts.
Institutionally, they are being barred from taking part in the mainstream. An insecurity is building up. This government said it would embolden and strengthen the National Commission for Backward Castes, give it constitutional status. It’s been eight months they still haven’t appointed a chairperson to the constitutional body that’s supposed to look after the welfare of the Backward community. It’s a lot of lip-service. They were talking about bifurcating the Backward quota at the State and national levels. That still hasn’t happened. Those communities, like Saini, Kashyap Prajapati they haven’t got their share. Whether it’s reservation policy or any other special scheme that’s formulated for Backward sections. It is true they have not got their share. That correction needs to happen . But BJP is not giving them that either.
Is there any strategy you have in the campaign to woo these communities?
This campaign is going to be more about macros issues for us. We are talking about the constitution, how important it is in a democracy to tolerate other views and belief systems. Then we are talking about the farmers. These are all issues, the economy, that will impact at the micro level the Backward, Dalit, all of these populations. Reservation could be one issue that we could take up. And there have been some political movements whether it was the roster issue, where we spoke out, SP did too. Tejaswi [Yadav] is also doing this whole movement in Bihar.
How will the 10 per cent reservation impact the election?
No, because... (a) there is still a doubt what position the courts will take.
(b) EWS certificate are not easy to get made. There are several encumbrances at the State level when a young man goes to get that certificate. It’s not very clear who is entitled and who is not. And when you are talking of reservations on economic basis, in a sense it’s a big question mark on the policy that we have been having in place in this country with the Mandal system. So it’s not really had that impact. BJP thought it could use this and go to people who are against reservation, and say that now we have shifted to economic criteria and this is the first step. And go to people who have not got benefits to say now we have given you a tool that you can also take benefits. I think that communication is not very clear.
The eight-lakh criteria — you can’t compare a farmer with 5 acre land holding and a person with eight lakh income in the city. It’s muddled thinking. They didn’t think it through. The social justice ministry in this same session of Parliament, said it has no plans to introduce any EWS quota. It’s very clear, this government, there are concepts, ideas and policies that get pushed, framed and implemented without enough debate on them. So it leads to shoddy work.
Do you feel that because there is so much of emphasis on Narendra Modi’s image and persona, that the entire election is about him. The PM face becomes an important factor here and the Opposition has a disadvantage in that aspect?
We have been raising how important it is to have a cabinet. People can’t name more than two three ministers in this government. That’s not a real political leadership at any level.
But electorally does that appeal the people?
People are simplistic in their thinking. They want that sense of a strong leader taking care of everything. But I think a certain level of maturity has crept in also and their experience with this experiment hasn’t worked out. They thought having a stronger majoritarian government would help them and they have seen that if you give the wrong person the reins of the country and too much power, it will corrupt him like anything. They have seen dangers of that. So therefore now again if they go to the people saying you need an even stronger Modi, people will say what for. We gave you an opportunity, you were so strong.