Unity of the people of India

For the first time, India’s tribal population is being  imbued with economic clout which will help incorporate tribals into the larger social discourse

The experience of India in developmental processes is a medley of different streams. Forms were at some point in time borrowed from the Soviet Union, aspirations on other occasions were borrowed from the United States, behavioral stereotypes were often borrowed from the United Kingdom, industrial models copied from Japan and social models were often attempts at shadowing the Chinese experience. One model which no significant economist — they were and still remain in charge of the planning process — ever espoused, was the Indian model.

They cannot be blamed because they were not taught this in places where they studied. Hence, new categories and constructs, which were unknown to the social dialogue before the 19th century, became a part of the social-intellectual dialogue, thereafter. Categories of religion began emerging in the political discourse ever since the end of the 1920s. Identities began to shape and later on they hardened. If religion was the dominant construct, caste could not be far behind. A sense of deprivation often based on some seedbeds began arousing resentment among a section of the Hindus, say, illustratively among the ‘Mahars'. There were, of course, other communities which could be counted for discrimination.

Similarly, amongst the Muslims, the plight of communities such as the ‘Ansaris' and especially the ‘Ghaus Ansaris' was equally pathetic. Many Christians made it a point to emphasise that they were Brahmin Christians and not so-called ‘low-caste Christians'. The epidemic of feelings of social inequity spread like virulent virus. It got inextricably linked with a quest of identities.

Even the tribals were taken into the ambit of such paradigm and a ‘Ho' wasn't amused when confused with a ‘Munda'. The electoral process provided channels of consolidation to these identities. Thus, purpose was added to a slowly kindling identity battle.

It suited the colonists very well. If the purpose was to govern, it is so much easier to derive compliance from a fragmented set of subjects than one which is consolidated into one identity. The ideological battle of the 30s and the 40s of the last century was muted evidence of trying to subsume fragmentation under one ideology or the other. Concurrently, the personality factor became an element in the polity.

This leads to icons like Veer Savarkar, Jawaharlal Nehru, SA Dange. Several others of lesser heights and smaller capacities were to throw their hat in the ring for an iconic status. The Vallabhai Patels, Sheikh Abdullahs, Shyama Prasad Mukerjees of the world were clear-headed on what they wanted and were skilled in leadership techniques but ultimately the factor of time either cheated them of it or beat them to it. None of the three or others like them were bigots, but were generously accused by those denigrators who did not like the cut off their face.

Enter an era of contending leaders in a context of global turmoil of World War II, a weakening imperial edifice, an army and a civil service widely infiltrated by people who believed that the British had no business, real or imagined, to be governing India. The rest, as they say, is history.

It was unusual how in none of the social discourse, there were any serious attempt to incorporate the tribal communities. The splendid writings of Napoleon Chagnon to Christoph Von Furer Haimendorf, notwithstanding, this made no significant impact on the political going-ons of British India.

The princely India shows a much better track record in this regard. ‘Bhils’ of ‘Mewar' are only one of the communities which suffered no deprivation. Similarly, the princely states of Travancore, Cochin or of Baroda were at peace, dealing respectfully with the likes of ‘Bhils' in their territories. It was another matter that, in any case, the so-called princely India was given a destiny which was overshadowed by the political turmoil of the river valley governance dispensations of the British.

The unfinished story is now asking for its completion. For the first time in independent India, eight per cent of this country's population, that lives in tribal enclaves, is being imbued consciously with economic clout and incorporated in the larger social discourse through the Van Dhan Scheme. The situation needs careful handling and nurturing.

(The writer is a well-known management consultant)