How to counter Naxals’ anti-democratic narrative

The recent killing of seven security personnel by Naxals in Dantewada district of Chhattisgarh highlights the challenge the Government faces in smoking out the non-State actors which continue to wreak havoc on India’s hinterland. In consecutive attacks last year, 300 Naxals attacked the 74th battalion of CRPF. In 2014, over 26 paramilitary personnel were killed in Naxal attacks, while 70 CRPF personnel were killed in 2010 in the same area.

Chhattisgarh appears to have become the epicentre of Naxal attacks. Well aware of the looming danger, the State Government is working out anti-Maoist strategies. And as the anti-Naxal operations continue, there are many who want the administration to open talk with the violent forces. Should there be negotiation with Naxals, who use improvised devices to kill security forces mercilessly?

Experts are divided on this, with many arguing that current state of affairs does not offer any hope of reconciliation and negotiation. The repeated attacks on security forces despite the recent warning by Prime Minister Narendra Modi show the audacity of the present breed of Naxalites who are active in Chhattisgarh, West Bengal Andhra Pradesh, Bihar and Odisha.

It is difficult to persuade Naxals to turn over new leaf as the evil forces are busy creating a narrative against the present democratic system. They claim to work to overthrow the system which they say is anti-poor. Attacks on important Government buildings, telephone exchanges, railway stations, villages and police pickets have become quite common.

Earlier Bihar witnessed various phase of Naxal activities under the banner of extremist organisations such as Indian People’s Front (IPF), Mazdoor Kisan Sangram Samiti  (MKSS) and the Maoist Communist Centre (MCC). Though cases of Naxal attacks in Bihar is now rare, their underground operations are on the rise in central part of the State. To fuel their activities, Naxals raise funds by means of extortion from contractors, securing small contacts, subscription from corrupt officials and powerful landlords. Although it is difficult to know the actual strength of these groups, the MCC was considered to be the most organised with sophisticated weapons. A few years ago, the massacre of 11 people near Dodadih Hills in Bihar by MCC almost triggered caste-war like situation.

The MCC had been very active in Central Bihar districts such as Patna, Jehanabad, Gaya, Nalanda and Nawada. In Jehanabad, the mobilisation of the weaker section by IPF and MKSS has been mainly on the basis of a common concern for equitable distribution of land and payment of minimum wages. MCC was responsible for the Darmiam, Dalelchak Baghora, Bakridh and Bara incidents. After the Dalelchak Baghora (Aurangabad) massacre, MCC was banned.

Naxal influence has spread over to Andhra Pradesh which has suffered a heavy loss to public and private property due to Naxal activities. In the last two decades, the People’s War Group has made several attempts to disturb peace in the areas of its influence. Dissatisfied with Government policies, it indulged in illegal activities such as bank robberies, murder of policemen, kidnapping of businessmen and officials and political assassination.

Despite the repeated attempts of States and Central Governments to control the menace the problem of Naxalism is still growing.

The reasons cited by most of the leading academicians so far have been: Improper implementation of the Minimum Wages Act and non-payment of minimum wages fixed by the Government for rural labourers, lack of development programmes, illegal occupation of uncultivated public land by  landlords, lack of irrigation facilities for rural poor mostly belonging to the Scheduled Castes, denial of political rights to rural poor, nexus between landowners and police and tussle over political domination.

Many experts hold widespread unemployment, underdevelopment, poverty, continuing feudal order and growing corruption among local politicians and bureaucrats combined with socio-political and economic disparities among the upper, middle and Scheduled Castes as factors responsible for Naxal violence.

But to my mind, they are a misled lot who have been manipulated for political gains by some powerful syndicates. The masses have been caught in a dilemma in Naxal-hit areas either to go with the band of wayward people or support security forces. But they believe Naxal issues can be resolved.

There is a strong need for political will to break down the web of fear psychosis created by Naxals and rather create confidence among the poor that State is there for them.

The formation of COBRA, specially designed to fight Naxalism, is a proactive step by the Government of India. But this alone cannot yield results unless we bring about coordination between intelligence and local police. Therefore, it is high time we modified our information gathering exercise and involved a multidimensional mechanism, including the support of the media, to dilute the sympathetic attitude of people towards Naxals.

Also, locals who identify Naxals or their sympathisers should be assured of all Government help, including security.

The tentacles of globalisation have redefined the relationship among global, national, and local identities in democratic societies. Certain groups are always ready to manipulate these social fault lines to their advantage by creating a fake image of identity building. This notion has made Naxalism some sort of business venture.

(The author is Chandigarh-based professor of political science and expert on strategic affairs)