On Friday Ireland will vote in a referendum that could in effect end the ban on abortion. Voters will be asked if they want to repeal the eighth amendment of the constitution, which recognises the equal right to life of mother and unborn child.

Every year, 3,000 Irish women travel overseas, usually to the UK, to end pregnancies, including those caused by rape or incest. Expectant mothers diagnosed with fatal foetal abnormalities – meaning the baby may die before full term or is not expected to live for long – must also travel to the UK for terminations.

In 2012, Savita Halappanavar died from sepsis after miscarrying her daughter, after doctors refused her an abortion. Her death shocked Ireland and brought new awareness and energy to the campaign to repeal the eighth amendment.

Some of the amendment’s consequences have been unexpected: women lose autonomy over their bodies as soon as they become pregnant, and because doctors have an equal responsibility to foetus and mother, many discourage home births. Ireland has the lowest rate of home births in Europe.

For Caitriona Kenny, from Dublin, whose mother was forced to adopt her son, a home birth was a rebellious act against the state’s control of her body.

For many voters in favour of retaining the current laws, opposition to abortion is not a question of women’s rights but rather of equating termination of pregnancies with murder. They believe a repeal of the eighth amendment as a retrograde step for human rights.

Ireland, once described by Pope Paul VI as “the most Catholic country on earth”, has undergone a massive change in the past 30 years. Its moral authority has been damaged by a series of scandals, including the compulsory servitude of young unmarried mothers by nuns and the forced adoption of their babies. The discovery of the remains of babies in sewers at Tuam monastery in 2017 as well as clerical child abuse scandals have made headlines around the world.

Despite the recent scandals engulfing the Catholic church, Irish identity is bound up with the religion. First Holy Communion remains a rite of passage for girls in Ireland, despite the falling attendance of weekly mass from 63% in 2002 to 48% in 2010.

Although the church’s influence has waned, it retains control over sex education in almost all Irish schools.

Ireland legalised contra­ception in 1985 but some people believe it is an offence against God and nature.

The Irish Catholic church has asked followers to work actively to reject any change to abortion laws. Devotees have held prayer vigils at “mass rocks”, historic sites at which priests held services in secret when Catholicism was suppressed by the British.

In 2017, two crisis pregnancy centres with links to anti-abortion groups were investigated after reportedly telling women that abortion causes breast cancer and infertil­ity, contraception was dangerous and that women could die from having sex.

And yet Irish public opinion is moving away from its past. In 1992, homosexuality was still illegal in Ireland; in 2015 it became the first country to legalise same-sex marriage by referendum. The country now has an openly gay prime minister, Leo Varadkar, a former GP.

During the 1983 referendum a bucket of pig’s blood was poured over a pro-choice campaigner and verbal abuse was exchanged on the streets. This time campaigners have been more restrained. The repeal jumper, now symbolic of the campaign, was the first quiet call for a change to the law. A flurry of performance art, embroidered banners and T-shirts followed in an attempt to encourage discussion on the subject.

All photographs by Olivia Harris, supported by the International Women’s Media Fund.