In a region where religious organisations have had a role in elections, the contest in
Nagaland and
Meghalaya became sharper still with church groups calling for resistance against a “Hindutva” invasion of the north-east and BJP-RSS launching their most determined bid yet to wrest power.
In a strange inversion, there was no talk of beef in the campaign as
BJP sidestepped the issue, arguing that it was not against local customs and traditions. In fact, its local leaders in Nagaland made it a point to say they were Christians too and any talk of cultural aggression was misplaced. In the end, BJP is set to be in office in Nagaland and could be a partner in Meghalaya.
Congress projected BJP as “anti-minority” and said regional outfits like NPP were likely to forge an alliance with the saffron party. The call didn’t deter voters from backing NPP, and BJP is likely to extend it support to form the government in Meghalaya.
The clash of faiths lies at a deeper plane. BJP-RSS is looking to weave a political and cultural narrative that seeks to incorporate the north-east in the Hindu nationalist “mainstream”, arousing identity politics of small parties and the rejection of Hindutva by church groups.
The view that the north-east is brimming with “sub-nationalities” is anathema to BJP which has, nonetheless, moved to accommodate local traditions. Winning the north-east is important for BJP as the party looks to counter the “church veto” and present itself as an inclusive political organisation with no geography out of reach due to demographics.
It made the point strongly in
Assam in 2016 when Congress’s wooing of the Muslim vote could not prevent a saffron landslide.
A potent mix of Hindutva-laced nationalism, development promises and a stand against illegal migrants from
Bangladesh has worked for BJP in the northeast, helped also by the work of Sangh organisations, which see the battle in terms of “saving” the northeast from demographic invasion and maximising its advantage through the projection of PM Narendra Modi.
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