Better late than never: Why Trump should have invited Modi to Mar-a-Lago before Xi Jinping

Chinese President Xi Jinping’s visit to President Trump’s estate at Mar-a-Lago, starting tomorrow, is a welcome development. Clearly, Washington and Beijing have much to discuss. Disagreements involving trade, North Korea’s advancing nuclear programme and Beijing’s assertions of sovereignty over the South China Sea are just some of the issues facing both countries and the Asia Pacific region.

Washington and Beijing seem to be at an impasse, often at the expense of other important endeavours. It is hoped by many that Xi’s visit to Mar-a-Lago will prove fruitful in making headway on the difficult problems facing the two powers.

Yet there is a leader in the East who has been a friend of the US but has not received an invitation to Mar-a-Lago thus far: Prime Minister Narendra Modi.

Since coming to power in 2014, Modi has proven to be a steady partner of Washington. Due to shared values and interests the two sister democracies have formed a cooperative relationship, a stark contrast to the frosty and adversarial relations between Washington and Beijing.

Ideally Modi ought to have visited Mar-a-Lago before Xi, particularly at a time when the young Trump administration has yet to formulate a China policy. Nonetheless, Trump would be well advised to host Modi before long. There are many areas of collaboration that deserve their attention.

Fighting Terror: For decades, India has been the target of Islamic terror networks that have also directed their fire at the US. Already partners in anti-terror initiatives, Delhi and Washington should build on their existing cooperation through enhanced intelligence sharing as well as joint military and law enforcement training.

Beyond this, both countries should work with moderate Muslim partners on educational reform that focuses on abandoning the vilification of non-Muslims while encouraging understanding and tolerance.

Delhi and Washington would also be well served to continue involvement – in their respective spheres – in Afghanistan and Pakistan to counter the regional threats posed by the Taliban, Islamic State and, increasingly, Russia. For these reasons it is New Delhi, not Moscow as Steve Bannon has argued, that is a natural partner for Washington in the fight against Islamic terrorism.

China: China’s rise brings with it both opportunities and security concerns. With eyes wide open, Delhi and Washington must be ready to take advantage of options for partnership with Beijing while also investing in military upgrades and protecting key interests in the Indian Ocean, South China Sea and disputed border areas. When politically feasible domestically, India and the US will benefit from geopolitical cooperation at the UN and other international forums on China. Further solidifying relationships with friendly area-countries will also be necessary.

Commercial Ties: India’s current transformation into an economic superpower holds promise for the Indian people, US corporations and the broader world. This journey will require investment in infrastructure – roads, airports, rail, internet connectivity, ports, etc – as well as securing of energy supplies, both fossil and renewable. US entities can help provide expertise and resources in abundance. Along the way, Washington should provide knowhow when requested and respectfully encourage necessary reform (ie, an opening of markets).

H-1B Visa Programme: On March 3, the US announced that the processing of H-1B visa petitions will be temporarily suspended beginning on April 3. This specialty-skill foreign worker visa programme has become politically unpopular in the US due to cases of scandalous abuses towards American workers, an issue then candidate Trump campaigned on successfully during the 2016 US presidential campaign.

Yet, for decades the vast majority of US employers have used this programme responsibly. Since its inception countless US organisations have boosted productivity and innovation by tapping into the knowhow of Indian workers trained in computer science, biotechnology, engineering, mathematics and medicine. Washington owes it to American workers to fix the abuses of this visa programme and to work with Delhi to reinstitute its responsible use to meet the American economy’s growing demand for skilled foreign workers.

Geopolitics: The coming years will see increased involvement by Delhi in global security matters, trade, investment and global governance. The Trump administration needs to take up where President Obama left off and declare US support for India’s permanent membership on the UN Security Council. Beyond this, the new administration needs to maintain India’s legal status as a Major Defence Partner of the United States and continue to advocate for its upgraded representation at the World Bank, IMF and APEC.

The need to deepen relations between Delhi and Washington reflects a natural maturation to an already burgeoning relationship. While the US and India are unlikely to become treaty allies due to India’s domestic sensitivities and history, there is every reason to expect and encourage both countries to develop an enduring strategic relationship based on mutual interests, values, respect and partnership. Along these lines, Delhi and Washington need to devote efforts towards learning one another’s concerns and interests as well as their aspirations and desires. This will require listening to one another and a commitment to new strategic thinking.

Quality time together would help Trump and Modi take the next step in realising the potential of the US-India relationship. Trump should issue the invitation to Mar-a-Lago soon, particularly before Florida’s infamous humidity and pests descend on Palm Beach.

DISCLAIMER : Views expressed above are the author's own.
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